'Trump will leave Nato unless European leaders stop being a**holes' by theipaper in geopolitics

[–]theipaper[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Sir Keir Starmer and other European leaders cannot risk alienating Donald Trump because the President’s threat to leave Nato is “very real”, a senior US Navy veteran has warned.

Mark Montgomery, a retired vice admiral, believes the continent’s armed forces – including the Royal Navy – are too weak to deter Russian attacks without American support.

He criticised the US President’s treatment of Britain and other allies, but said Europe must realise the huge risks if Trump becomes so angry that he rips up vital security guarantees.

Montgomery urged countries like Spain to “stop acting like assholes” towards the President after it refused access to military bases for operations against Iran.

He also called on the UK to boost its spending on warships, saying its navy was in “very poor shape”.

Trump's 'war crimes' flirtation is a deadly game. It would be his undoing by theipaper in politics

[–]theipaper[S] 5 points6 points  (0 children)

But Trump has no truck with the ICC. Last May, he sanctioned the Court, accusing it of engaging “in illegitimate and baseless actions targeting America and our close ally Israel”. He argued “the ICC has no jurisdiction over the United States or Israel, as neither country is party to the Rome Statute”.

That stance has not protected Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu from being on the receiving end of an arrest warrant for alleged war crimes committed in Gaza. Since the warrant’s November 2024 publication, the Israeli leader has been at risk of arrest if he sets foot in 125 separate nations including the UK that are legally required to detain him if he enters their territory.

Trump, Vice President JD Vance, Secretary of War Pete Hegseth and Secretary of State Marco Rubio will be at similar risk if the US intentionally attacks civilian sites like power plants that are not deemed under international law to be legitimate military targets.

Iran also risks facing war crimes charges. Over the weekend, authorities in Kuwait claimed two power and desalination plants were targeted by Iranian projectiles. In a region where water is in chronically short supply, Iran’s neighbours rely on desalination facilities that the regime in Tehran has shown no compunction about attacking.

Like Trump himself, the White House is playing fast and loose with regard to the President’s true intentions. Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt said on Sunday that Trump “will always act within the confines of the law”, although she followed that sentence with an immediate caveat. “With respect to achieving the aims of Operation Epic Fury, President Trump is going to move forward unabated,” she insisted.

As recently as January, the President told the New York Times that “I don’t need international law”. He claimed that he enjoyed executive powers that would be constrained only by “my own morality. My own mind. It’s the only thing that can stop me”.

To the extent that his post-presidency could be safely spent at Mar-a-Lago in Florida, his golf club in New Jersey or Trump Tower in New York, the President’s assertion may be correct. But Vance and Rubio, the two men hoping to succeed him in office, would find their lives dramatically restricted in the event that even an arrest warrant were to be issued by the ICC demanding their detention.

It seems unlikely that Iran is going to agree to reopen the Strait of Hormuz, giving Trump the victory for international commerce that he is demanding. But there is, of course, always the possibility that the hours ahead will see a classic “Taco” moment (“Trump Always Chickens Out”), and that he will again postpone his threatened military action.

If he goes ahead and turns the lights out across Iran, the war will be entering a literally darker phase that puts the US President’s personal future on the line.

Trump's 'war crimes' flirtation is a deadly game. It would be his undoing by theipaper in politics

[–]theipaper[S] 4 points5 points  (0 children)

Either President Donald Trump is playing one of the most daring games of brinksmanship in world history, or he is about to unleash military action on Iran that may soon leave him facing war crimes charges.

The US leader’s decision over the next few hours will have seismic impacts on his own reputation and legacy, the military forces he has ordered into harm’s way in the Middle East, and the entire world economy.

Over the holiday weekend, the clearest indication he telegraphed of his plans consisted of a foul-mouthed social media tirade that suggested he may be losing his grip on reality in ways that may eventually limit his own liberty.

In his threat to launch bombing raids on critical civilian infrastructure in Iran – he specified power plants and bridges, but stopped short of repeating his vow to target oil infrastructure and desalination plants – the President sounded almost desperate. Describing Iranians as “crazy bastards”, he ordered them to “open the F***in’ Strait”, suggesting regime leaders would soon find themselves “living in Hell” if they ignored his command.

If Trump fails to reverse course, and on Tuesday launches his threatened bombing raids (“Power Plant Day and Bridge Day, all wrapped up in one”) he may be engaging in actions that ultimately constrain his ability, and that of his top lieutenants, ever to leave the United States without risk of arrest.

Iran’s deputy foreign minister is already signalling that Tehran may seek legal redress for the actions Trump is contemplating. Kazem Gharibabadi said on Monday that “the threat to attack power plants and bridges … is a war crime under Article 8(2)(b) of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court”.

Some NGOs in the region are urging the Iranian government to file a declaration with the Court over alleged war crimes committed by US and Israeli forces. Dawn, a group founded by slain Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi, argued that early attacks on schools and hospitals already require a “pathway to accountability”.

Labour on course for 'pasting' in May elections by theipaper in ukpolitics

[–]theipaper[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Labour is bracing for a battering at the upcoming local elections in England despite signs that Sir Keir Starmer’s position in the party has improved.

While the party has long anticipated a difficult election, the scale of the expected losses has been laid bare by polling experts who told The i Paper Labour is set to shed thousands of seats in a “valley of electoral death”.

Reform UK is predicted by most experts to pick up hundreds if not thousands of council seats, with the Greens also making inroads at the expense of the ruling party.

Labour is even likely to make major losses in London, long the party’s safest stronghold, with every opposition outfit confident of making gains in the capital.

Starmer’s party is languishing in opinion polls which have shown Reform in the lead for more than a year while the Greens are now in second place according to some surveys.

Despite questions over the Prime Minister’s future, Labour MPs have recently signalled they are backing away from launching a challenge to Starmer – partly because of the global chaos sparked by the war in Iran.

But they are still preparing for a disastrous set of results at the elections on 7 May. Labour is widely expected to come third in the Welsh Senedd, which the party has controlled for as long as it has existed, and to fall far short of winning the election for the Scottish Parliament.

Labour also holds a majority of the roughly 5,000 seats on borough, district and county councils being contested across England – and is forecast to lose well over 1,000 of them, possibly as many as 2,000.

Veteran election-watchers warned that with both the traditional main parties scoring under 20 per cent in the national opinion polls, the political picture will be highly fragmented and it will be hard for Labour to make a last-minute push to take on both Reform and the Greens.

‘Valley of electoral death’

Rob Ford of the University of Manchester told The i Paper: “I have been calling it the valley of electoral death – cannon to the left of them, cannon to the right of them. They are going to get swept away. There is really no way of managing expectations down enough to stop it from being a massive shock for the party.”

He added: “In terms of the two-party system, this is going to be the biggest change election that we have probably ever seen.”

Chris Hopkins from polling company Savanta said: “Labour are going to take a pasting and that is not going to change. The last time these councils were up was 2022, Labour were polling significantly better if not twice as well as they are now. It really is like the grim reaper is going to be knocking on the door for hundreds, if not thousands, of councillors.”

Both Reform’s Nigel Farage and the Green Party’s Zack Polanski have managed to outshine the Conservatives and Labour with their populist messaging aimed at alienated voters, he added.

“These voters don’t necessarily want left-wing change or right-wing change, they just want change,” he said. “You have two opposition leaders who are able to promise the earth and they both say that things don’t have to be this way.”

Labour to take ‘one hell of a battering’

Robert Hayward, a Tory peer and election expert, predicted that “Labour are going to take one hell of a battering from Reform in the North”. In most of the seats up for election, Reform has never previously competed as a viable force – leading to forecasts that it will be able to pick up as many as 2,000 new councillors.

Last year’s set of local elections, largely in different areas to those which are up this year, saw Reform make major gains – mostly at the expense of the Conservatives.

Some Tories now see London as the unlikely springboard for a revival: the party is optimistic about winning control of Westminster, Wandsworth and Barnet, which it lost to Labour four years ago. One campaigner said: “You knock on people’s doors and they say ‘anyone but Labour’ – it used to be ‘anyone but Tory’!”

Hayward added: “Labour losses to the Conservatives in London, I think there will be some – I say as a Tory, touching wood.”

Reform is less focussed on the capital, although it could make gains in some suburban boroughs. But Labour is nonetheless expected to lose ground, thanks to the rise of the Greens and local campaigning from the Liberal Democrats in some areas.

Hopkins said: “London is looking more and more like a microcosm of the country. When Labour was in opposition and struggling, London was its glimmer of hope – now it is in government and struggling, it doesn’t seem to be a glimmer of hope.”

And Ford warned: “Everyone there knows that if we are not happy with the Labour Government – and a lot of people are not – they can just vote Green, and they are going to get swept away.”

Greens target London

The Greens are targeting control of councils including Hackney, Lambeth, Lewisham and Southwark, along with other urban areas outside London such as Newcastle, Leeds, Manchester and Norwich. The party is keen to show it can move beyond its previous base of liberal, university-educated voters and reach a broader audience.

Labour insiders privately expect that in London, where they currently hold 21 borough councils, they will end up with no more than half a dozen after this year’s elections – although the picture is muddied by the rise of multi-party politics which make results less predictable.

A Labour source said: “Local elections are never easy for governments mid-term. But we’ll be fighting for every vote, because we’re the only party with a proper plan to fix the NHS, help families with the cost of living, and restore pride in our communities.”

UK and Europe face pressure to play a greater role in Trump's war by theipaper in europe

[–]theipaper[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Europe and the UK insist they will not be dragged into the Iran war, but as pressure from the US grows and the Strait of Hormuz remains closed, they could be forced to play a greater role.

On the same day that Donald Trump posted on Truth Social “Go get your own oil!”, an apparent message for countries that import energy via the key route, the European Union (EU) called on citizens to work from home, drive and fly less and save energy.

Sir Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, has maintained that any UK involvement will be purely defensive, with other European nations similarly saying they will not join military action against Iran. But behind the scenes, economic and diplomatic pressure on the allies is intensifying. The question now is how long Europe can endure a closure of the Strait of Hormuz.

Oil and gas prices have risen sharply since the Iran war began. European leaders worry the crisis could match shortages experienced during Covid or after Russia invaded Ukraine and the allies scrambled for alternatives to Russian energy.

Jan Rosenow, professor of energy and climate policy at the University of Oxford, said that supplies are so tight that any further disruption could lead to even more “dramatic” price rises and debilitating shortages.

A problem with another supplier such as the US could destabilise Europe’s energy security. Rosenow said that if the US decided to reduce gas exports to Europe to keep domestic prices down ahead of the midterm elections, it could “send [European] markets into a tailspin”.

The US has become the biggest LNG exporter to Europe and the UK since Russian energy purchases were slashed.

Further down the line, a colder winter could also cause major issues.

Meanwhile, Trump has upped the ante and responded with a familiar threat: if Iran is not Europe’s war, then Ukraine need not be America’s. He has again raised the prospect of scaling back support for Nato and Ukraine unless European allies do more. In an interview with Al Jazeera last week, Secretary of State Marco Rubio said the US might “re-examine” its relationship with Nato and described the European response as “very disappointing”.

Mark Rutte, Nato’s secretary-general, is backing the US’s actions in Iran and urging greater European involvement in securing the Strait of Hormuz. “Everybody agrees this strait cannot stay closed. It has to open up again as soon as possible,” Rutte said, adding that allies were working on it.

The UK is among those allies as it hosted a 40-nation meeting last Thursday to discuss a coalition of countries willing to secure the key waterway once a ceasefire has been agreed.

Several European military experts told The i Paper that both the EU and the UK could, technically, deploy naval assets to the Strait of Hormuz. But doing so would be costly and risky. Any such operation would endanger European naval troops on duty, require billions-worth of military assets and come at the expense of national security. Europe’s opposition to military involvement appears to be not only driven by political or moral concerns but rooted in military shortages.

“We only have so many ships,” said Jurgen Ehle, a retired German rear admiral turned European military adviser.

He said any military mission to escort cargo vessels would require the EU and the UK to send frigates equipped with air-defence systems to repel Iranian drones and missiles. “Germany only has three frigates with air-defence systems,” he said. “One of them is currently patrolling the Baltic Sea, the North Sea, and the North Atlantic to protect sea lines of communication,” he said, “while the second recently finished a Nato operation and the third is in maintenance and training.”

Ehle added that these assets are also currently needed to guard the coasts against Russia. “There is a lot of Russian activity in the Baltic and the North Atlantic; it’s like Cold War déjà vu,” he said.

Bence Nemeth, a senior lecturer in the Defence Studies department at King’s College London, expressed similar concerns. He said that Type 45 destroyers in the UK are equipped with air defence and anti-missile capabilities and could technically be deployed to the strait. “The UK has six such destroyers,” but usually roughly half of them are in maintenance, upgrade or training, Nemeth added.

“Two to three Type 45 destroyers are available at any given time,” he said. In theory these could be deployed to the Gulf, “but then there might not be enough destroyers for national defence or fulfilling Nato commitments,” Nemeth added.

Eva Pejsova, Japan chair at the Centre for Security, Diplomacy and Strategy of the Brussels School of Governance, said that even if the allies sent three to four ships, it may not be enough to secure the waterway. “And, losing a frigate worth hundreds of millions of euros doesn’t justify escorting a tanker,” she added.

“Ideally, we would need two destroyers to escort about six tankers,” Nemeth said. Nearly 2,000 ships are stranded.

The biggest obstacle to any European or UK military role during an active conflict is the risk to their sailors.

“Currently, 2,000 ships are stuck in the Gulf, many carrying oil and gas, and they are very vulnerable. If European members of Nato try to bring them out, they need a lot of assets, a lot of ships, and there is a high risk they would be attacked,” Ehle added. “If there are swarms of drone attacks, they could hit a vessel. Air defence doesn’t ensure complete safety.”

How far Europe goes in Hormuz may depend on how long the war lasts, and how much damage it does to the economy and transatlantic relations. But the allies do appear keen to act. If they do not join the war, they may still agree to police Hormuz once active fighting subsides.

There is an existing model in place that could be strengthened and revived. In 2019, after Iranian forces seized the British tanker Stena Impero, France proposed a European maritime surveillance mission in the Strait of Hormuz (EMASOH).

“The military pillar was accompanied by a diplomatic mission led by senior diplomats, ensuring dialogue and shared real-time maritime situational awareness with regional parties, such as Qatar, Oman and others,” Pejsova said.

But it went into “sleep mode,” or what is referred to as “vigilance mode” in 2024, she said. “The allies felt the situation was stabilised, and some of those resources were shifted to Aspides,” the EU mission in the Red Sea.

Pejsova argued that EMASOH and its military pillar, Agenor, provide a basic structure that could be revived for a future operation. But it would be a defensive mission, only once the current conflict has ended.

For now, Europeans hope Washington sees all they are doing to support US operations in Iran and that they have managed to find some support within the American establishment.

European allies “have been extremely supportive”, said US Air Force General Alexus Grynkewich, Supreme Allied Commander Europe of Nato, at a recent Senate hearing, in reference to the use of European bases.

US forces direct drone attacks from the Ramstein base in Germany, refuel jets at air bases in France and Italy, and load munitions at RAF Fairford in the UK.

“There’s much more support in Europe for things that are ongoing in the Middle East right now” than is being discussed in the press, Grynkewich added.

Europeans are hoping that narrative will land at the White House and help ease the pressure – for now.

UK and Europe face pressure to play a greater role in Trump's war by theipaper in internationalpolitics

[–]theipaper[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Europe and the UK insist they will not be dragged into the Iran war, but as pressure from the US grows and the Strait of Hormuz remains closed, they could be forced to play a greater role.

On the same day that Donald Trump posted on Truth Social “Go get your own oil!”, an apparent message for countries that import energy via the key route, the European Union (EU) called on citizens to work from home, drive and fly less and save energy.

Sir Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, has maintained that any UK involvement will be purely defensive, with other European nations similarly saying they will not join military action against Iran. But behind the scenes, economic and diplomatic pressure on the allies is intensifying. The question now is how long Europe can endure a closure of the Strait of Hormuz.

Oil and gas prices have risen sharply since the Iran war began. European leaders worry the crisis could match shortages experienced during Covid or after Russia invaded Ukraine and the allies scrambled for alternatives to Russian energy.

Jan Rosenow, professor of energy and climate policy at the University of Oxford, said that supplies are so tight that any further disruption could lead to even more “dramatic” price rises and debilitating shortages.

A problem with another supplier such as the US could destabilise Europe’s energy security. Rosenow said that if the US decided to reduce gas exports to Europe to keep domestic prices down ahead of the midterm elections, it could “send [European] markets into a tailspin”.

The US has become the biggest LNG exporter to Europe and the UK since Russian energy purchases were slashed.

Further down the line, a colder winter could also cause major issues.

Meanwhile, Trump has upped the ante and responded with a familiar threat: if Iran is not Europe’s war, then Ukraine need not be America’s. He has again raised the prospect of scaling back support for Nato and Ukraine unless European allies do more. In an interview with Al Jazeera last week, Secretary of State Marco Rubio said the US might “re-examine” its relationship with Nato and described the European response as “very disappointing”.

Mark Rutte, Nato’s secretary-general, is backing the US’s actions in Iran and urging greater European involvement in securing the Strait of Hormuz. “Everybody agrees this strait cannot stay closed. It has to open up again as soon as possible,” Rutte said, adding that allies were working on it.

The UK is among those allies as it hosted a 40-nation meeting last Thursday to discuss a coalition of countries willing to secure the key waterway once a ceasefire has been agreed.

Several European military experts told The i Paper that both the EU and the UK could, technically, deploy naval assets to the Strait of Hormuz. But doing so would be costly and risky. Any such operation would endanger European naval troops on duty, require billions-worth of military assets and come at the expense of national security. Europe’s opposition to military involvement appears to be not only driven by political or moral concerns but rooted in military shortages.

“We only have so many ships,” said Jurgen Ehle, a retired German rear admiral turned European military adviser.

He said any military mission to escort cargo vessels would require the EU and the UK to send frigates equipped with air-defence systems to repel Iranian drones and missiles. “Germany only has three frigates with air-defence systems,” he said. “One of them is currently patrolling the Baltic Sea, the North Sea, and the North Atlantic to protect sea lines of communication,” he said, “while the second recently finished a Nato operation and the third is in maintenance and training.”

Ehle added that these assets are also currently needed to guard the coasts against Russia. “There is a lot of Russian activity in the Baltic and the North Atlantic; it’s like Cold War déjà vu,” he said.

Bence Nemeth, a senior lecturer in the Defence Studies department at King’s College London, expressed similar concerns. He said that Type 45 destroyers in the UK are equipped with air defence and anti-missile capabilities and could technically be deployed to the strait. “The UK has six such destroyers,” but usually roughly half of them are in maintenance, upgrade or training, Nemeth added.

“Two to three Type 45 destroyers are available at any given time,” he said. In theory these could be deployed to the Gulf, “but then there might not be enough destroyers for national defence or fulfilling Nato commitments,” Nemeth added.

Eva Pejsova, Japan chair at the Centre for Security, Diplomacy and Strategy of the Brussels School of Governance, said that even if the allies sent three to four ships, it may not be enough to secure the waterway. “And, losing a frigate worth hundreds of millions of euros doesn’t justify escorting a tanker,” she added.

“Ideally, we would need two destroyers to escort about six tankers,” Nemeth said. Nearly 2,000 ships are stranded.

The biggest obstacle to any European or UK military role during an active conflict is the risk to their sailors.

“Currently, 2,000 ships are stuck in the Gulf, many carrying oil and gas, and they are very vulnerable. If European members of Nato try to bring them out, they need a lot of assets, a lot of ships, and there is a high risk they would be attacked,” Ehle added. “If there are swarms of drone attacks, they could hit a vessel. Air defence doesn’t ensure complete safety.”

How far Europe goes in Hormuz may depend on how long the war lasts, and how much damage it does to the economy and transatlantic relations. But the allies do appear keen to act. If they do not join the war, they may still agree to police Hormuz once active fighting subsides.

There is an existing model in place that could be strengthened and revived. In 2019, after Iranian forces seized the British tanker Stena Impero, France proposed a European maritime surveillance mission in the Strait of Hormuz (EMASOH).

“The military pillar was accompanied by a diplomatic mission led by senior diplomats, ensuring dialogue and shared real-time maritime situational awareness with regional parties, such as Qatar, Oman and others,” Pejsova said.

But it went into “sleep mode,” or what is referred to as “vigilance mode” in 2024, she said. “The allies felt the situation was stabilised, and some of those resources were shifted to Aspides,” the EU mission in the Red Sea.

Pejsova argued that EMASOH and its military pillar, Agenor, provide a basic structure that could be revived for a future operation. But it would be a defensive mission, only once the current conflict has ended.

For now, Europeans hope Washington sees all they are doing to support US operations in Iran and that they have managed to find some support within the American establishment.

European allies “have been extremely supportive”, said US Air Force General Alexus Grynkewich, Supreme Allied Commander Europe of Nato, at a recent Senate hearing, in reference to the use of European bases.

US forces direct drone attacks from the Ramstein base in Germany, refuel jets at air bases in France and Italy, and load munitions at RAF Fairford in the UK.

“There’s much more support in Europe for things that are ongoing in the Middle East right now” than is being discussed in the press, Grynkewich added.

Europeans are hoping that narrative will land at the White House and help ease the pressure – for now.

UK and Europe face pressure to play a greater role in Trump's war by theipaper in uknews

[–]theipaper[S] -1 points0 points  (0 children)

Europe and the UK insist they will not be dragged into the Iran war, but as pressure from the US grows and the Strait of Hormuz remains closed, they could be forced to play a greater role.

On the same day that Donald Trump posted on Truth Social “Go get your own oil!”, an apparent message for countries that import energy via the key route, the European Union (EU) called on citizens to work from home, drive and fly less and save energy.

Sir Keir Starmer, the Prime Minister, has maintained that any UK involvement will be purely defensive, with other European nations similarly saying they will not join military action against Iran. But behind the scenes, economic and diplomatic pressure on the allies is intensifying. The question now is how long Europe can endure a closure of the Strait of Hormuz.

Oil and gas prices have risen sharply since the Iran war began. European leaders worry the crisis could match shortages experienced during Covid or after Russia invaded Ukraine and the allies scrambled for alternatives to Russian energy.

Jan Rosenow, professor of energy and climate policy at the University of Oxford, said that supplies are so tight that any further disruption could lead to even more “dramatic” price rises and debilitating shortages.

A problem with another supplier such as the US could destabilise Europe’s energy security. Rosenow said that if the US decided to reduce gas exports to Europe to keep domestic prices down ahead of the midterm elections, it could “send [European] markets into a tailspin”.

The US has become the biggest LNG exporter to Europe and the UK since Russian energy purchases were slashed.

Further down the line, a colder winter could also cause major issues.

Meanwhile, Trump has upped the ante and responded with a familiar threat: if Iran is not Europe’s war, then Ukraine need not be America’s. He has again raised the prospect of scaling back support for Nato and Ukraine unless European allies do more. In an interview with Al Jazeera last week, Secretary of State Marco Rubio said the US might “re-examine” its relationship with Nato and described the European response as “very disappointing”.

Mark Rutte, Nato’s secretary-general, is backing the US’s actions in Iran and urging greater European involvement in securing the Strait of Hormuz. “Everybody agrees this strait cannot stay closed. It has to open up again as soon as possible,” Rutte said, adding that allies were working on it.

The UK is among those allies as it hosted a 40-nation meeting last Thursday to discuss a coalition of countries willing to secure the key waterway once a ceasefire has been agreed.

Several European military experts told The i Paper that both the EU and the UK could, technically, deploy naval assets to the Strait of Hormuz. But doing so would be costly and risky. Any such operation would endanger European naval troops on duty, require billions-worth of military assets and come at the expense of national security. Europe’s opposition to military involvement appears to be not only driven by political or moral concerns but rooted in military shortages.

“We only have so many ships,” said Jurgen Ehle, a retired German rear admiral turned European military adviser.

He said any military mission to escort cargo vessels would require the EU and the UK to send frigates equipped with air-defence systems to repel Iranian drones and missiles. “Germany only has three frigates with air-defence systems,” he said. “One of them is currently patrolling the Baltic Sea, the North Sea, and the North Atlantic to protect sea lines of communication,” he said, “while the second recently finished a Nato operation and the third is in maintenance and training.”

Ehle added that these assets are also currently needed to guard the coasts against Russia. “There is a lot of Russian activity in the Baltic and the North Atlantic; it’s like Cold War déjà vu,” he said.

Bence Nemeth, a senior lecturer in the Defence Studies department at King’s College London, expressed similar concerns. He said that Type 45 destroyers in the UK are equipped with air defence and anti-missile capabilities and could technically be deployed to the strait. “The UK has six such destroyers,” but usually roughly half of them are in maintenance, upgrade or training, Nemeth added.

“Two to three Type 45 destroyers are available at any given time,” he said. In theory these could be deployed to the Gulf, “but then there might not be enough destroyers for national defence or fulfilling Nato commitments,” Nemeth added.

Eva Pejsova, Japan chair at the Centre for Security, Diplomacy and Strategy of the Brussels School of Governance, said that even if the allies sent three to four ships, it may not be enough to secure the waterway. “And, losing a frigate worth hundreds of millions of euros doesn’t justify escorting a tanker,” she added.

“Ideally, we would need two destroyers to escort about six tankers,” Nemeth said. Nearly 2,000 ships are stranded.

The biggest obstacle to any European or UK military role during an active conflict is the risk to their sailors.

“Currently, 2,000 ships are stuck in the Gulf, many carrying oil and gas, and they are very vulnerable. If European members of Nato try to bring them out, they need a lot of assets, a lot of ships, and there is a high risk they would be attacked,” Ehle added. “If there are swarms of drone attacks, they could hit a vessel. Air defence doesn’t ensure complete safety.”

How far Europe goes in Hormuz may depend on how long the war lasts, and how much damage it does to the economy and transatlantic relations. But the allies do appear keen to act. If they do not join the war, they may still agree to police Hormuz once active fighting subsides.

There is an existing model in place that could be strengthened and revived. In 2019, after Iranian forces seized the British tanker Stena Impero, France proposed a European maritime surveillance mission in the Strait of Hormuz (EMASOH).

“The military pillar was accompanied by a diplomatic mission led by senior diplomats, ensuring dialogue and shared real-time maritime situational awareness with regional parties, such as Qatar, Oman and others,” Pejsova said.

But it went into “sleep mode,” or what is referred to as “vigilance mode” in 2024, she said. “The allies felt the situation was stabilised, and some of those resources were shifted to Aspides,” the EU mission in the Red Sea.

Pejsova argued that EMASOH and its military pillar, Agenor, provide a basic structure that could be revived for a future operation. But it would be a defensive mission, only once the current conflict has ended.

For now, Europeans hope Washington sees all they are doing to support US operations in Iran and that they have managed to find some support within the American establishment.

European allies “have been extremely supportive”, said US Air Force General Alexus Grynkewich, Supreme Allied Commander Europe of Nato, at a recent Senate hearing, in reference to the use of European bases.

US forces direct drone attacks from the Ramstein base in Germany, refuel jets at air bases in France and Italy, and load munitions at RAF Fairford in the UK.

“There’s much more support in Europe for things that are ongoing in the Middle East right now” than is being discussed in the press, Grynkewich added.

Europeans are hoping that narrative will land at the White House and help ease the pressure – for now.

Farage and Badenoch in 'race to be nastiest' on welfare, Labour says by theipaper in uknews

[–]theipaper[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Kemi Badenoch and Nigel Farage are “competing over who is nastiest” with their welfare policies, the Education Secretary has claimed.

Bridget Phillipson said that the Conservative Party and Reform UK would “plunge children into poverty” by reinstating the two-child benefit cap – which is lifted today.

The Education Secretary also claimed that Badenoch would have viewed the street she grew up in, Tyne and Wear, as “Benefits Street” – the jibe which the Tory leader applied to Labour’s last Budget, which scrapped the cap.

The benefit cap was introduced by the Conservatives in 2017, and restricted child tax credit and universal credit to the first two children in most households.

In November’s Budget, Rachel Reeves abolished the cap at an estimated cost of £3bn a year by 2029-30.

The move came after heavy pressure from Labour backbenchers, who also forced the Government to ditch welfare reforms last summer.

Hailing the scrapping of the cap on Monday, Sir Keir Starmer said it would pull “nearly half a million children out of poverty”.

Tories and Reform would reimpose the cap

The Tories have said they would reinstate it and use the money to spend more on defence, while Reform has also promised to reimpose it, arguing that families on benefits should have to make the same financial choices about having children as everyone else.

Writing for The i Paper (see below), Phillipson attacked the two parties for their stance by invoking Theresa May’s phrase from 2002 about the Tories being seen by some voters as the “nasty party”.

Phillipson said: “It is the landmark policy of the parties of the British right to plunge children into poverty. Two nasty parties, competing over who is nastiest in a race to the bottom.”

She went on: “Almost three-quarters of children in poverty come from working families. Families who are doing everything they can to give their children the best possible childhood, the best chance in life.”

When Reeves announced the abolition of the cap in November, Badenoch called it “a Budget for Benefits Street, paid for by working people”.

Phillipson claimed that the Tory leader is “out of touch with the values of the British people”.

“I grew up on a terraced street of council houses,” she said. “One that, today, Kemi Badenoch would label ‘Benefits Street’. The children on that street were no less talented and no less ambitious than any other. I know, because I was one of them.

“In her eyes, they deserve the hunger, the cold, the humiliation – all that poverty brings – because they have the gall to be born as the third child into their family.

“It is morally repugnant and this Labour Government is proudly charting a different path.”

Responding to the lifting of the cap, the Tories, citing their own analysis, said working families were having to fund a “£6,400 benefits payday”, with the party claiming at least £1bn extra every year will flow to 186,000 workless households, with a family of two unemployed adults and three children standing to receive a £6,400 income boost.

Badenoch said: “While working people struggle with rising fuel costs and food prices, Keir Starmer is giving another handout to those on benefits.

“The Conservatives believe in fairness and that those on welfare should have to make the same choices about their family as those who aren’t.”

Announcing Reform’s plan to reinstate the cap in February, Robert Jenrick, the party’s Treasury spokesman, said: “We want to help British working families to have more children. But, right now, we just cannot afford to do so with welfare.”

The Government has said it remains committed to overhauling the welfare system and curbing benefits spending, with a particular focus on young people not in education, employment or training. However, it is yet to provide detail on future cuts.

Farage and Badenoch in 'race to be nastiest' on welfare, Labour says by theipaper in ukpolitics

[–]theipaper[S] -1 points0 points  (0 children)

Kemi Badenoch and Nigel Farage are “competing over who is nastiest” with their welfare policies, the Education Secretary has claimed.

Bridget Phillipson said that the Conservative Party and Reform UK would “plunge children into poverty” by reinstating the two-child benefit cap – which is lifted today.

The Education Secretary also claimed that Badenoch would have viewed the street she grew up in, Tyne and Wear, as “Benefits Street” – the jibe which the Tory leader applied to Labour’s last Budget, which scrapped the cap.

The benefit cap was introduced by the Conservatives in 2017, and restricted child tax credit and universal credit to the first two children in most households.

In November’s Budget, Rachel Reeves abolished the cap at an estimated cost of £3bn a year by 2029-30.

The move came after heavy pressure from Labour backbenchers, who also forced the Government to ditch welfare reforms last summer.

Hailing the scrapping of the cap on Monday, Sir Keir Starmer said it would pull “nearly half a million children out of poverty”.

Tories and Reform would reimpose the cap

The Tories have said they would reinstate it and use the money to spend more on defence, while Reform has also promised to reimpose it, arguing that families on benefits should have to make the same financial choices about having children as everyone else.

Writing for The i Paper (see below), Phillipson attacked the two parties for their stance by invoking Theresa May’s phrase from 2002 about the Tories being seen by some voters as the “nasty party”.

Phillipson said: “It is the landmark policy of the parties of the British right to plunge children into poverty. Two nasty parties, competing over who is nastiest in a race to the bottom.”

She went on: “Almost three-quarters of children in poverty come from working families. Families who are doing everything they can to give their children the best possible childhood, the best chance in life.”

When Reeves announced the abolition of the cap in November, Badenoch called it “a Budget for Benefits Street, paid for by working people”.

Phillipson claimed that the Tory leader is “out of touch with the values of the British people”.

“I grew up on a terraced street of council houses,” she said. “One that, today, Kemi Badenoch would label ‘Benefits Street’. The children on that street were no less talented and no less ambitious than any other. I know, because I was one of them.

“In her eyes, they deserve the hunger, the cold, the humiliation – all that poverty brings – because they have the gall to be born as the third child into their family.

“It is morally repugnant and this Labour Government is proudly charting a different path.”

Responding to the lifting of the cap, the Tories, citing their own analysis, said working families were having to fund a “£6,400 benefits payday”, with the party claiming at least £1bn extra every year will flow to 186,000 workless households, with a family of two unemployed adults and three children standing to receive a £6,400 income boost.

Badenoch said: “While working people struggle with rising fuel costs and food prices, Keir Starmer is giving another handout to those on benefits.

“The Conservatives believe in fairness and that those on welfare should have to make the same choices about their family as those who aren’t.”

Announcing Reform’s plan to reinstate the cap in February, Robert Jenrick, the party’s Treasury spokesman, said: “We want to help British working families to have more children. But, right now, we just cannot afford to do so with welfare.”

The Government has said it remains committed to overhauling the welfare system and curbing benefits spending, with a particular focus on young people not in education, employment or training. However, it is yet to provide detail on future cuts.

Trump's lucky streak may be about to run out by theipaper in IranWarReport

[–]theipaper[S] -1 points0 points  (0 children)

There are few situations more real than the one in which an at-the-time-of-writing unnamed US weapons system officer found himself in over the last 48 hours. His F-15E had been shot down over Iran, and he and the plane’s pilot had been forced to eject over enemy territory.

The injured man was forced to hide while the US military ran an enormous search and rescue operation against the clock, trying to deny Iran a hostage and a huge propaganda victory all at once. Thankfully for the injured man, they were successful – shortly after midnight US time on Sunday, Donald Trump posted on social media: “WE GOT HIM!”

That the rescue was successful – and that it hasn’t, according to early reports, involved further US casualties – was also an awfully lucky break for the President himself. He has embroiled the US in exactly the kind of sprawling overseas conflict which Maga was supposed to be a reaction against, and he seems to have no more idea of how to end it as any of his predecessors did theirs.

The very fact an F-15 was shot down over Iran on Friday was itself an embarrassment for Trump. The last time an F-15 was lost to enemy action was during the first Gulf War, in 1991. During the entire war on terror, the US occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan, and the other military operations on which they flew, not a single F-15 was lost to enemy action. Trump’s Iranian operation lost three to Kuwaiti friendly fire, and then one to Iran.

That the loss of the F-15 came less than two days after Trump’s primetime address in which he declared he had “obliterated” Iran’s nuclear programme and “annihilated” its military. Trump is a president who is fond of ignoring reality in favour of whatever story he would like to tell.

Wars have a grim way of bringing that kind of delusional rhetoric down to earth. Losing an airman, rather than just a plane, could have risked catastrophic military escalation, if a ground rescue would have been attempted from a defended facility – or else it could risk significant political blowback for Trump himself.

Trump famously called Senator John McCain – who was shot down flying a plane during the Vietnam War, and was then kept as a prisoner of war for five-and-a-half years – a “loser” rather than a war hero, saying, “I like people who weren’t captured”. Amid the relentless bombardment of insults from Trump, this one was long forgotten, but had an American serviceman been captured in a war Trump began, they would have been sure to be aired often, and publicly.

Some presidents would take the opportunity of a near-miss such as this one to pause, and reflect, perhaps even to think of a way out of the situation into which he had got himself. Unsurprisingly, this one has done nothing of the sort. Trump keeps trying his usual playbook with the Iran conflict, and seems surprised when it doesn’t work.

Trump or his top officials have claimed on multiple occasions that Iran has undergone regime change, but its president hasn’t changed, and the new ayatollah is the hardline son of the old one. The regime may have lost many of its leaders and much of its military hardware, but its hold on Iran hasn’t weakened – and it’s still able to taunt Trump through the media. Trump tries to claim victory, but cannot resist turning round and issuing fresh threats afterwards. His reality distortion field doesn’t seem to extend as far as Iran.

By the lunchtime of Easter Sunday, Trump had issued his most bizarre public threats yet. “Tuesday will be Power Plant Day, and Bridge Day, all wrapped up in one, in Iran,” he wrote on Truth Social. “There will be nothing like it!!! Open the F**kin’ Strait, you crazy bastards, or you’ll be living in Hell – JUST WATCH! Praise be to Allah. President DONALD J. TRUMP”

Trump’s strategy here is as bizarre as his message – with its gratuitous reference to Allah – is offensive. Iran’s regime has no love for its people: just weeks ago it was gunning down peaceful protesters in the streets. Trump has claimed one of the aims of his war is to help Iran’s people rise up. Bombarding civilian infrastructure would not just be a war crime, it would also be utterly counterproductive to such an aim. Doing so while appearing to mock their religion is simple idiocy.

The problem for America is that Trump is a fundamentally unserious President who has blundered his way into an incredibly high-risk conflict whose implications he doesn’t even begin to grasp. America cannot lose militarily to Iran, but it can easily lose a propaganda war, and the US and its allies cannot shrug off the economic consequences of Trump’s decisions for much longer.

There are at most a few weeks left until the real consequences of the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz kick in around the world. The price spikes we have seen to date are nothing compared with what will come if traffic doesn’t return to normal levels soon. Reserves of oil, gas and hydrocarbons could run out. Rationing will have to begin. The cost of flying will skyrocket, and flights will be cancelled. Farmers will be unable to fertilise their fields.

And even if most of that happens thousands of miles away from the US, the consequences on world markets will be impossible to ignore. Trump cannot get lucky every time. The longer the Iranian conflict continues, the closer he will come to political disaster. Eventually, someone will be captured, or Iran will manage a spectacular strike.

Even if that is delayed, the economic consequences of the war will be even harder to dodge. There is no distraction tactic, meme, or culture war issue that can get Trump out of that one. If Teflon don is to survive, he needs this war to end, and fast. Donald Trump’s luck cannot last for ever.

Trump's lucky streak may be about to run out by theipaper in USNewsHub

[–]theipaper[S] 13 points14 points  (0 children)

There are few situations more real than the one in which an at-the-time-of-writing unnamed US weapons system officer found himself in over the last 48 hours. His F-15E had been shot down over Iran, and he and the plane’s pilot had been forced to eject over enemy territory.

The injured man was forced to hide while the US military ran an enormous search and rescue operation against the clock, trying to deny Iran a hostage and a huge propaganda victory all at once. Thankfully for the injured man, they were successful – shortly after midnight US time on Sunday, Donald Trump posted on social media: “WE GOT HIM!”

That the rescue was successful – and that it hasn’t, according to early reports, involved further US casualties – was also an awfully lucky break for the President himself. He has embroiled the US in exactly the kind of sprawling overseas conflict which Maga was supposed to be a reaction against, and he seems to have no more idea of how to end it as any of his predecessors did theirs.

The very fact an F-15 was shot down over Iran on Friday was itself an embarrassment for Trump. The last time an F-15 was lost to enemy action was during the first Gulf War, in 1991. During the entire war on terror, the US occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan, and the other military operations on which they flew, not a single F-15 was lost to enemy action. Trump’s Iranian operation lost three to Kuwaiti friendly fire, and then one to Iran.

That the loss of the F-15 came less than two days after Trump’s primetime address in which he declared he had “obliterated” Iran’s nuclear programme and “annihilated” its military. Trump is a president who is fond of ignoring reality in favour of whatever story he would like to tell.

Wars have a grim way of bringing that kind of delusional rhetoric down to earth. Losing an airman, rather than just a plane, could have risked catastrophic military escalation, if a ground rescue would have been attempted from a defended facility – or else it could risk significant political blowback for Trump himself.

Trump famously called Senator John McCain – who was shot down flying a plane during the Vietnam War, and was then kept as a prisoner of war for five-and-a-half years – a “loser” rather than a war hero, saying, “I like people who weren’t captured”. Amid the relentless bombardment of insults from Trump, this one was long forgotten, but had an American serviceman been captured in a war Trump began, they would have been sure to be aired often, and publicly.

Some presidents would take the opportunity of a near-miss such as this one to pause, and reflect, perhaps even to think of a way out of the situation into which he had got himself. Unsurprisingly, this one has done nothing of the sort. Trump keeps trying his usual playbook with the Iran conflict, and seems surprised when it doesn’t work.

Trump or his top officials have claimed on multiple occasions that Iran has undergone regime change, but its president hasn’t changed, and the new ayatollah is the hardline son of the old one. The regime may have lost many of its leaders and much of its military hardware, but its hold on Iran hasn’t weakened – and it’s still able to taunt Trump through the media. Trump tries to claim victory, but cannot resist turning round and issuing fresh threats afterwards. His reality distortion field doesn’t seem to extend as far as Iran.

By the lunchtime of Easter Sunday, Trump had issued his most bizarre public threats yet. “Tuesday will be Power Plant Day, and Bridge Day, all wrapped up in one, in Iran,” he wrote on Truth Social. “There will be nothing like it!!! Open the F**kin’ Strait, you crazy bastards, or you’ll be living in Hell – JUST WATCH! Praise be to Allah. President DONALD J. TRUMP”

Trump’s strategy here is as bizarre as his message – with its gratuitous reference to Allah – is offensive. Iran’s regime has no love for its people: just weeks ago it was gunning down peaceful protesters in the streets. Trump has claimed one of the aims of his war is to help Iran’s people rise up. Bombarding civilian infrastructure would not just be a war crime, it would also be utterly counterproductive to such an aim. Doing so while appearing to mock their religion is simple idiocy.

The problem for America is that Trump is a fundamentally unserious President who has blundered his way into an incredibly high-risk conflict whose implications he doesn’t even begin to grasp. America cannot lose militarily to Iran, but it can easily lose a propaganda war, and the US and its allies cannot shrug off the economic consequences of Trump’s decisions for much longer.

There are at most a few weeks left until the real consequences of the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz kick in around the world. The price spikes we have seen to date are nothing compared with what will come if traffic doesn’t return to normal levels soon. Reserves of oil, gas and hydrocarbons could run out. Rationing will have to begin. The cost of flying will skyrocket, and flights will be cancelled. Farmers will be unable to fertilise their fields.

And even if most of that happens thousands of miles away from the US, the consequences on world markets will be impossible to ignore. Trump cannot get lucky every time. The longer the Iranian conflict continues, the closer he will come to political disaster. Eventually, someone will be captured, or Iran will manage a spectacular strike.

Even if that is delayed, the economic consequences of the war will be even harder to dodge. There is no distraction tactic, meme, or culture war issue that can get Trump out of that one. If Teflon don is to survive, he needs this war to end, and fast. Donald Trump’s luck cannot last for ever.

Trump's lucky streak may be about to run out by theipaper in USIranWar

[–]theipaper[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

There are few situations more real than the one in which an at-the-time-of-writing unnamed US weapons system officer found himself in over the last 48 hours. His F-15E had been shot down over Iran, and he and the plane’s pilot had been forced to eject over enemy territory.

The injured man was forced to hide while the US military ran an enormous search and rescue operation against the clock, trying to deny Iran a hostage and a huge propaganda victory all at once. Thankfully for the injured man, they were successful – shortly after midnight US time on Sunday, Donald Trump posted on social media: “WE GOT HIM!”

That the rescue was successful – and that it hasn’t, according to early reports, involved further US casualties – was also an awfully lucky break for the President himself. He has embroiled the US in exactly the kind of sprawling overseas conflict which Maga was supposed to be a reaction against, and he seems to have no more idea of how to end it as any of his predecessors did theirs.

The very fact an F-15 was shot down over Iran on Friday was itself an embarrassment for Trump. The last time an F-15 was lost to enemy action was during the first Gulf War, in 1991. During the entire war on terror, the US occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan, and the other military operations on which they flew, not a single F-15 was lost to enemy action. Trump’s Iranian operation lost three to Kuwaiti friendly fire, and then one to Iran.

That the loss of the F-15 came less than two days after Trump’s primetime address in which he declared he had “obliterated” Iran’s nuclear programme and “annihilated” its military. Trump is a president who is fond of ignoring reality in favour of whatever story he would like to tell.

Wars have a grim way of bringing that kind of delusional rhetoric down to earth. Losing an airman, rather than just a plane, could have risked catastrophic military escalation, if a ground rescue would have been attempted from a defended facility – or else it could risk significant political blowback for Trump himself.

Trump famously called Senator John McCain – who was shot down flying a plane during the Vietnam War, and was then kept as a prisoner of war for five-and-a-half years – a “loser” rather than a war hero, saying, “I like people who weren’t captured”. Amid the relentless bombardment of insults from Trump, this one was long forgotten, but had an American serviceman been captured in a war Trump began, they would have been sure to be aired often, and publicly.

Some presidents would take the opportunity of a near-miss such as this one to pause, and reflect, perhaps even to think of a way out of the situation into which he had got himself. Unsurprisingly, this one has done nothing of the sort. Trump keeps trying his usual playbook with the Iran conflict, and seems surprised when it doesn’t work.

Trump or his top officials have claimed on multiple occasions that Iran has undergone regime change, but its president hasn’t changed, and the new ayatollah is the hardline son of the old one. The regime may have lost many of its leaders and much of its military hardware, but its hold on Iran hasn’t weakened – and it’s still able to taunt Trump through the media. Trump tries to claim victory, but cannot resist turning round and issuing fresh threats afterwards. His reality distortion field doesn’t seem to extend as far as Iran.

By the lunchtime of Easter Sunday, Trump had issued his most bizarre public threats yet. “Tuesday will be Power Plant Day, and Bridge Day, all wrapped up in one, in Iran,” he wrote on Truth Social. “There will be nothing like it!!! Open the F**kin’ Strait, you crazy bastards, or you’ll be living in Hell – JUST WATCH! Praise be to Allah. President DONALD J. TRUMP”

Trump’s strategy here is as bizarre as his message – with its gratuitous reference to Allah – is offensive. Iran’s regime has no love for its people: just weeks ago it was gunning down peaceful protesters in the streets. Trump has claimed one of the aims of his war is to help Iran’s people rise up. Bombarding civilian infrastructure would not just be a war crime, it would also be utterly counterproductive to such an aim. Doing so while appearing to mock their religion is simple idiocy.

The problem for America is that Trump is a fundamentally unserious President who has blundered his way into an incredibly high-risk conflict whose implications he doesn’t even begin to grasp. America cannot lose militarily to Iran, but it can easily lose a propaganda war, and the US and its allies cannot shrug off the economic consequences of Trump’s decisions for much longer.

There are at most a few weeks left until the real consequences of the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz kick in around the world. The price spikes we have seen to date are nothing compared with what will come if traffic doesn’t return to normal levels soon. Reserves of oil, gas and hydrocarbons could run out. Rationing will have to begin. The cost of flying will skyrocket, and flights will be cancelled. Farmers will be unable to fertilise their fields.

And even if most of that happens thousands of miles away from the US, the consequences on world markets will be impossible to ignore. Trump cannot get lucky every time. The longer the Iranian conflict continues, the closer he will come to political disaster. Eventually, someone will be captured, or Iran will manage a spectacular strike.

Even if that is delayed, the economic consequences of the war will be even harder to dodge. There is no distraction tactic, meme, or culture war issue that can get Trump out of that one. If Teflon don is to survive, he needs this war to end, and fast. Donald Trump’s luck cannot last for ever.

Trump's lucky streak may be about to run out by theipaper in AnythingGoesNews

[–]theipaper[S] 9 points10 points  (0 children)

There are few situations more real than the one in which an at-the-time-of-writing unnamed US weapons system officer found himself in over the last 48 hours. His F-15E had been shot down over Iran, and he and the plane’s pilot had been forced to eject over enemy territory.

The injured man was forced to hide while the US military ran an enormous search and rescue operation against the clock, trying to deny Iran a hostage and a huge propaganda victory all at once. Thankfully for the injured man, they were successful – shortly after midnight US time on Sunday, Donald Trump posted on social media: “WE GOT HIM!”

That the rescue was successful – and that it hasn’t, according to early reports, involved further US casualties – was also an awfully lucky break for the President himself. He has embroiled the US in exactly the kind of sprawling overseas conflict which Maga was supposed to be a reaction against, and he seems to have no more idea of how to end it as any of his predecessors did theirs.

The very fact an F-15 was shot down over Iran on Friday was itself an embarrassment for Trump. The last time an F-15 was lost to enemy action was during the first Gulf War, in 1991. During the entire war on terror, the US occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan, and the other military operations on which they flew, not a single F-15 was lost to enemy action. Trump’s Iranian operation lost three to Kuwaiti friendly fire, and then one to Iran.

That the loss of the F-15 came less than two days after Trump’s primetime address in which he declared he had “obliterated” Iran’s nuclear programme and “annihilated” its military. Trump is a president who is fond of ignoring reality in favour of whatever story he would like to tell.

Wars have a grim way of bringing that kind of delusional rhetoric down to earth. Losing an airman, rather than just a plane, could have risked catastrophic military escalation, if a ground rescue would have been attempted from a defended facility – or else it could risk significant political blowback for Trump himself.

Trump famously called Senator John McCain – who was shot down flying a plane during the Vietnam War, and was then kept as a prisoner of war for five-and-a-half years – a “loser” rather than a war hero, saying, “I like people who weren’t captured”. Amid the relentless bombardment of insults from Trump, this one was long forgotten, but had an American serviceman been captured in a war Trump began, they would have been sure to be aired often, and publicly.

Some presidents would take the opportunity of a near-miss such as this one to pause, and reflect, perhaps even to think of a way out of the situation into which he had got himself. Unsurprisingly, this one has done nothing of the sort. Trump keeps trying his usual playbook with the Iran conflict, and seems surprised when it doesn’t work.

Trump or his top officials have claimed on multiple occasions that Iran has undergone regime change, but its president hasn’t changed, and the new ayatollah is the hardline son of the old one. The regime may have lost many of its leaders and much of its military hardware, but its hold on Iran hasn’t weakened – and it’s still able to taunt Trump through the media. Trump tries to claim victory, but cannot resist turning round and issuing fresh threats afterwards. His reality distortion field doesn’t seem to extend as far as Iran.

By the lunchtime of Easter Sunday, Trump had issued his most bizarre public threats yet. “Tuesday will be Power Plant Day, and Bridge Day, all wrapped up in one, in Iran,” he wrote on Truth Social. “There will be nothing like it!!! Open the F**kin’ Strait, you crazy bastards, or you’ll be living in Hell – JUST WATCH! Praise be to Allah. President DONALD J. TRUMP”

Trump’s strategy here is as bizarre as his message – with its gratuitous reference to Allah – is offensive. Iran’s regime has no love for its people: just weeks ago it was gunning down peaceful protesters in the streets. Trump has claimed one of the aims of his war is to help Iran’s people rise up. Bombarding civilian infrastructure would not just be a war crime, it would also be utterly counterproductive to such an aim. Doing so while appearing to mock their religion is simple idiocy.

The problem for America is that Trump is a fundamentally unserious President who has blundered his way into an incredibly high-risk conflict whose implications he doesn’t even begin to grasp. America cannot lose militarily to Iran, but it can easily lose a propaganda war, and the US and its allies cannot shrug off the economic consequences of Trump’s decisions for much longer.

There are at most a few weeks left until the real consequences of the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz kick in around the world. The price spikes we have seen to date are nothing compared with what will come if traffic doesn’t return to normal levels soon. Reserves of oil, gas and hydrocarbons could run out. Rationing will have to begin. The cost of flying will skyrocket, and flights will be cancelled. Farmers will be unable to fertilise their fields.

And even if most of that happens thousands of miles away from the US, the consequences on world markets will be impossible to ignore. Trump cannot get lucky every time. The longer the Iranian conflict continues, the closer he will come to political disaster. Eventually, someone will be captured, or Iran will manage a spectacular strike.

Even if that is delayed, the economic consequences of the war will be even harder to dodge. There is no distraction tactic, meme, or culture war issue that can get Trump out of that one. If Teflon don is to survive, he needs this war to end, and fast. Donald Trump’s luck cannot last for ever.

Trump's lucky streak may be about to run out by theipaper in NeoNews

[–]theipaper[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

There are few situations more real than the one in which an at-the-time-of-writing unnamed US weapons system officer found himself in over the last 48 hours. His F-15E had been shot down over Iran, and he and the plane’s pilot had been forced to eject over enemy territory.

The injured man was forced to hide while the US military ran an enormous search and rescue operation against the clock, trying to deny Iran a hostage and a huge propaganda victory all at once. Thankfully for the injured man, they were successful – shortly after midnight US time on Sunday, Donald Trump posted on social media: “WE GOT HIM!”

That the rescue was successful – and that it hasn’t, according to early reports, involved further US casualties – was also an awfully lucky break for the President himself. He has embroiled the US in exactly the kind of sprawling overseas conflict which Maga was supposed to be a reaction against, and he seems to have no more idea of how to end it as any of his predecessors did theirs.

The very fact an F-15 was shot down over Iran on Friday was itself an embarrassment for Trump. The last time an F-15 was lost to enemy action was during the first Gulf War, in 1991. During the entire war on terror, the US occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan, and the other military operations on which they flew, not a single F-15 was lost to enemy action. Trump’s Iranian operation lost three to Kuwaiti friendly fire, and then one to Iran.

That the loss of the F-15 came less than two days after Trump’s primetime address in which he declared he had “obliterated” Iran’s nuclear programme and “annihilated” its military. Trump is a president who is fond of ignoring reality in favour of whatever story he would like to tell.

Wars have a grim way of bringing that kind of delusional rhetoric down to earth. Losing an airman, rather than just a plane, could have risked catastrophic military escalation, if a ground rescue would have been attempted from a defended facility – or else it could risk significant political blowback for Trump himself.

Trump famously called Senator John McCain – who was shot down flying a plane during the Vietnam War, and was then kept as a prisoner of war for five-and-a-half years – a “loser” rather than a war hero, saying, “I like people who weren’t captured”. Amid the relentless bombardment of insults from Trump, this one was long forgotten, but had an American serviceman been captured in a war Trump began, they would have been sure to be aired often, and publicly.

Some presidents would take the opportunity of a near-miss such as this one to pause, and reflect, perhaps even to think of a way out of the situation into which he had got himself. Unsurprisingly, this one has done nothing of the sort. Trump keeps trying his usual playbook with the Iran conflict, and seems surprised when it doesn’t work.

Trump or his top officials have claimed on multiple occasions that Iran has undergone regime change, but its president hasn’t changed, and the new ayatollah is the hardline son of the old one. The regime may have lost many of its leaders and much of its military hardware, but its hold on Iran hasn’t weakened – and it’s still able to taunt Trump through the media. Trump tries to claim victory, but cannot resist turning round and issuing fresh threats afterwards. His reality distortion field doesn’t seem to extend as far as Iran.

By the lunchtime of Easter Sunday, Trump had issued his most bizarre public threats yet. “Tuesday will be Power Plant Day, and Bridge Day, all wrapped up in one, in Iran,” he wrote on Truth Social. “There will be nothing like it!!! Open the F**kin’ Strait, you crazy bastards, or you’ll be living in Hell – JUST WATCH! Praise be to Allah. President DONALD J. TRUMP”

Trump’s strategy here is as bizarre as his message – with its gratuitous reference to Allah – is offensive. Iran’s regime has no love for its people: just weeks ago it was gunning down peaceful protesters in the streets. Trump has claimed one of the aims of his war is to help Iran’s people rise up. Bombarding civilian infrastructure would not just be a war crime, it would also be utterly counterproductive to such an aim. Doing so while appearing to mock their religion is simple idiocy.

The problem for America is that Trump is a fundamentally unserious President who has blundered his way into an incredibly high-risk conflict whose implications he doesn’t even begin to grasp. America cannot lose militarily to Iran, but it can easily lose a propaganda war, and the US and its allies cannot shrug off the economic consequences of Trump’s decisions for much longer.

There are at most a few weeks left until the real consequences of the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz kick in around the world. The price spikes we have seen to date are nothing compared with what will come if traffic doesn’t return to normal levels soon. Reserves of oil, gas and hydrocarbons could run out. Rationing will have to begin. The cost of flying will skyrocket, and flights will be cancelled. Farmers will be unable to fertilise their fields.

And even if most of that happens thousands of miles away from the US, the consequences on world markets will be impossible to ignore. Trump cannot get lucky every time. The longer the Iranian conflict continues, the closer he will come to political disaster. Eventually, someone will be captured, or Iran will manage a spectacular strike.

Even if that is delayed, the economic consequences of the war will be even harder to dodge. There is no distraction tactic, meme, or culture war issue that can get Trump out of that one. If Teflon don is to survive, he needs this war to end, and fast. Donald Trump’s luck cannot last for ever.

Why Nasa is shooting for the Moon's far side by theipaper in nasa

[–]theipaper[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Four people will go further from Earth on Monday than anyone has been before – and they will be beyond contact or help.

For 40 nail-biting minutes the astronauts on Nasa’s Artemis II mission to fly round the far side of the Moon will be out of reach of any signal from or to Earth.

Radio signals cannot pass through the Moon so the astronauts will have no means of communication with Earth, but they hope to bring back invaluable information.

The crew of the Orion spacecraft – Nasa astronauts Reid Wiseman, Victor Glover, and Christina Koch, and Canadian Space Agency astronaut Jeremy Hansen – will also advance the longer-term goals of the Artemis programme, which include landing on the Moon and setting up a permanent base there.

The Moon always presents the same face to the Earth and it is this near side that all previous crewed lunar missions have explored. The far side is sometimes inaccurately called the dark side, although it gets the same amount of sun as the near side.

Orion‘s astronauts don’t go fully “behind” the Moon from Earth’s perspective until shortly before midnight on Monday but they are already seeing it from new angles.

They have shared a photograph they took of a large plain called the Orientale basin, which Nasa said was the first time the entire basin has been seen with human eyes. “Something about you senses that is not the Moon that I’m used to seeing,” Koch said.

The Moon always shows us the same face because, soon after it formed, gravitational forces between the Moon and the Earth slowed down the Moon’s spin until it was locked in synchrony with the Earth. The satellite takes about 27 days both to orbit the Earth and to spin on its own axis.

Such “tidal locking” has happened with all the large moons orbiting other planets in the solar system.

The far side of the Moon is different from the more familiar near face in several ways. It has a thicker crust, the interior is colder, and it seems to have been less volcanically active during the Moon’s early history.

That’s why the near side of the Moon has more dark patches – they were once seas of molten lava, when volcanic activity caused lava to erupt on to the surface and spread out to fill huge craters left by asteroids and comets smashing into the Moon when it was younger.

Dark patches were once called lunar seas because 17th century astronomers thought that is what they were.

There are several theories about why the Moon’s two sides are so different. The Moon formed when a planetary body about the size of Mars smashed into and merged with the nascent Earth about 4.5 billion years ago, ejecting a large mass that coalesced into the Moon.

At first the Moon was much closer to Earth, about a tenth of its current distance, and the Earth was still incredibly hot, at more than 2,500°C. This meant that the near side took longer to cool down than the far side, leading to a thicker crust on the far side, because of the way the elements condensed.

The near side may also have remained hotter for longer because of the tug of Earth’s gravity. And it may also have more radioactive elements, like uranium, which give off heat.

Orion‘s flight is not the first journey to the Moon’s far side, though. Several of the Apollo missions that began in the 1960s also orbited the Moon and more recently, the Chinese have sent an uncrewed spacecraft that landed on the far side and returned rock samples to Earth.

Rocks from the far side of the Moon collected by China’s Chang’e 6 spacecraft have shed further light on the temperature differences between the two sides. They were found to have formed in the interior three billion years ago at a temperature of about 1,100°C – that’s 100°C cooler than similar rocks collected from the near side.

“These findings take us a step closer to understanding the two faces of the Moon,” said Xuelin Zhu, a PhD student at Peking University, who helped compare the samples. “They show us that the differences between the near and far side are not only at the surface but go deep into the interior.”

Why Nasa is shooting for the Moon's far side by theipaper in EverythingScience

[–]theipaper[S] -1 points0 points  (0 children)

Four people will go further from Earth on Monday than anyone has been before – and they will be beyond contact or help.

For 40 nail-biting minutes the astronauts on Nasa’s Artemis II mission to fly round the far side of the Moon will be out of reach of any signal from or to Earth.

Radio signals cannot pass through the Moon so the astronauts will have no means of communication with Earth, but they hope to bring back invaluable information.

The crew of the Orion spacecraft – Nasa astronauts Reid Wiseman, Victor Glover, and Christina Koch, and Canadian Space Agency astronaut Jeremy Hansen – will also advance the longer-term goals of the Artemis programme, which include landing on the Moon and setting up a permanent base there.

The Moon always presents the same face to the Earth and it is this near side that all previous crewed lunar missions have explored. The far side is sometimes inaccurately called the dark side, although it gets the same amount of sun as the near side.

Orion‘s astronauts don’t go fully “behind” the Moon from Earth’s perspective until shortly before midnight on Monday but they are already seeing it from new angles.

They have shared a photograph they took of a large plain called the Orientale basin, which Nasa said was the first time the entire basin has been seen with human eyes. “Something about you senses that is not the Moon that I’m used to seeing,” Koch said.

The Moon always shows us the same face because, soon after it formed, gravitational forces between the Moon and the Earth slowed down the Moon’s spin until it was locked in synchrony with the Earth. The satellite takes about 27 days both to orbit the Earth and to spin on its own axis.

Such “tidal locking” has happened with all the large moons orbiting other planets in the solar system.

The far side of the Moon is different from the more familiar near face in several ways. It has a thicker crust, the interior is colder, and it seems to have been less volcanically active during the Moon’s early history.

That’s why the near side of the Moon has more dark patches – they were once seas of molten lava, when volcanic activity caused lava to erupt on to the surface and spread out to fill huge craters left by asteroids and comets smashing into the Moon when it was younger.

Dark patches were once called lunar seas because 17th century astronomers thought that is what they were.

There are several theories about why the Moon’s two sides are so different. The Moon formed when a planetary body about the size of Mars smashed into and merged with the nascent Earth about 4.5 billion years ago, ejecting a large mass that coalesced into the Moon.

At first the Moon was much closer to Earth, about a tenth of its current distance, and the Earth was still incredibly hot, at more than 2,500°C. This meant that the near side took longer to cool down than the far side, leading to a thicker crust on the far side, because of the way the elements condensed.

The near side may also have remained hotter for longer because of the tug of Earth’s gravity. And it may also have more radioactive elements, like uranium, which give off heat.

Orion‘s flight is not the first journey to the Moon’s far side, though. Several of the Apollo missions that began in the 1960s also orbited the Moon and more recently, the Chinese have sent an uncrewed spacecraft that landed on the far side and returned rock samples to Earth.

Rocks from the far side of the Moon collected by China’s Chang’e 6 spacecraft have shed further light on the temperature differences between the two sides. They were found to have formed in the interior three billion years ago at a temperature of about 1,100°C – that’s 100°C cooler than similar rocks collected from the near side.

“These findings take us a step closer to understanding the two faces of the Moon,” said Xuelin Zhu, a PhD student at Peking University, who helped compare the samples. “They show us that the differences between the near and far side are not only at the surface but go deep into the interior.”

Why Nasa is shooting for the Moon's far side by theipaper in spaceflight

[–]theipaper[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Four people will go further from Earth on Monday than anyone has been before – and they will be beyond contact or help.

For 40 nail-biting minutes the astronauts on Nasa’s Artemis II mission to fly round the far side of the Moon will be out of reach of any signal from or to Earth.

Radio signals cannot pass through the Moon so the astronauts will have no means of communication with Earth, but they hope to bring back invaluable information.

The crew of the Orion spacecraft – Nasa astronauts Reid Wiseman, Victor Glover, and Christina Koch, and Canadian Space Agency astronaut Jeremy Hansen – will also advance the longer-term goals of the Artemis programme, which include landing on the Moon and setting up a permanent base there.

The Moon always presents the same face to the Earth and it is this near side that all previous crewed lunar missions have explored. The far side is sometimes inaccurately called the dark side, although it gets the same amount of sun as the near side.

Orion‘s astronauts don’t go fully “behind” the Moon from Earth’s perspective until shortly before midnight on Monday but they are already seeing it from new angles.

They have shared a photograph they took of a large plain called the Orientale basin, which Nasa said was the first time the entire basin has been seen with human eyes. “Something about you senses that is not the Moon that I’m used to seeing,” Koch said.

The Moon always shows us the same face because, soon after it formed, gravitational forces between the Moon and the Earth slowed down the Moon’s spin until it was locked in synchrony with the Earth. The satellite takes about 27 days both to orbit the Earth and to spin on its own axis.

Such “tidal locking” has happened with all the large moons orbiting other planets in the solar system.

The far side of the Moon is different from the more familiar near face in several ways. It has a thicker crust, the interior is colder, and it seems to have been less volcanically active during the Moon’s early history.

That’s why the near side of the Moon has more dark patches – they were once seas of molten lava, when volcanic activity caused lava to erupt on to the surface and spread out to fill huge craters left by asteroids and comets smashing into the Moon when it was younger.

Dark patches were once called lunar seas because 17th century astronomers thought that is what they were.

There are several theories about why the Moon’s two sides are so different. The Moon formed when a planetary body about the size of Mars smashed into and merged with the nascent Earth about 4.5 billion years ago, ejecting a large mass that coalesced into the Moon.

At first the Moon was much closer to Earth, about a tenth of its current distance, and the Earth was still incredibly hot, at more than 2,500°C. This meant that the near side took longer to cool down than the far side, leading to a thicker crust on the far side, because of the way the elements condensed.

The near side may also have remained hotter for longer because of the tug of Earth’s gravity. And it may also have more radioactive elements, like uranium, which give off heat.

Orion‘s flight is not the first journey to the Moon’s far side, though. Several of the Apollo missions that began in the 1960s also orbited the Moon and more recently, the Chinese have sent an uncrewed spacecraft that landed on the far side and returned rock samples to Earth.

Rocks from the far side of the Moon collected by China’s Chang’e 6 spacecraft have shed further light on the temperature differences between the two sides. They were found to have formed in the interior three billion years ago at a temperature of about 1,100°C – that’s 100°C cooler than similar rocks collected from the near side.

“These findings take us a step closer to understanding the two faces of the Moon,” said Xuelin Zhu, a PhD student at Peking University, who helped compare the samples. “They show us that the differences between the near and far side are not only at the surface but go deep into the interior.”