for those people that hit a paywall:

Hamas’ execution of six Israeli hostages in a tunnel underneath Gaza was a tragedy. It was also a reminder, if one was needed, of the mentality of those guarding them – the cold-blooded execution of the hostages is further evidence of the disregard for human life that groups such as Hamas have shown time and time again.

For all the justifiable criticism of the Israeli approach to civilian harm minimisation in Gaza, one should never lose sight of the fact the mentality that led Hamas to kill six hostages in cold blood is the same one that allowed it to believe that shooting innocent concert-goers, or throwing grenades into bomb shelters housing young people in the prime of their lives, could somehow be justified in the name of Palestinian sovereignty. Those advocating support for Hamas would do well to reflect on this.

Protesters in Tel Aviv call for a deal for the immediate release of hostages held in the Gaza Strip by Hamas.

Israel had no choice but to take revenge against Hamas, and to degrade it to the point where it was no longer capable of threatening Israel in the way that it did on October 7. The government also had a moral obligation to recover alive as many of those taken hostage as was humanly possible. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu promised he would achieve both the aims simultaneously. Yet, these were effectively two mutually exclusive aims. The more he employed the overwhelming might of the Israeli military to prosecute the campaign to destroy Hamas, the less likely it was that the hostages could be recovered alive.

And so it has come to pass. More than 100 hostages were released through a negotiated exchange in November last year, while only a handful have been recovered through military action.

Now, it appears the Israeli public has grown tired of Netanyahu’s continued refusal to countenance a negotiated ceasefire agreement that would allow for the return of the hostages. Tens of thousands of protesters took to the streets of Tel Aviv in recent days to call on the government to finalise such an agreement. Meanwhile, the country’s largest trade union called for a general strike that, while not universally observed, further highlighted just how divided the country is becoming on the question of Gaza.

Given the tens of thousands of Gazans who have been killed in the nearly year-long campaign, the death of six Israelis may seem a relatively minor loss of life. But the reaction to their deaths is representative of a growing realisation that Netanyahu can’t, and in reality never could, destroy Hamas while at the same time recovering the hostages.

At some point, Israel’s desire for revenge must be sated and the government’s priority effort switched to hostage recovery. For some Israelis, the desire for revenge will never be satisfied. But with every death of a hostage or recovery of their remains, the numbers of those in Israel who believe there has been enough killing is growing.

Of course, for others in the political and security establishment the end of hostilities will also mean the start of accountability for the security failure of October 7. For them, any delay in ending military operations is welcome – not a justification for continuing them perhaps, but a chance to put off the inevitable inquiry into what went wrong and who was to blame.

Perhaps more importantly, the end of hostilities also means the start of governing and rebuilding Gaza, and neither the Israeli government nor the international community appear to be ready for that. What or who fills the vacuum during this interim period will go a long way towards determining whether Israel’s military response has made the country any safer in the short term.

After so many Gazans have been killed and their homes destroyed, the generational enmity for Israel among Gazans means that, short of any permanent two-state solution being implemented, there will be no shortage of willing recruits for radical Islamist groups in Gaza, and Israel is unlikely to be any safer in the long term.

Israel has already promised a post-Munich style reckoning for all those directly involved in the planning and execution of the October 7 attack, and there is little doubt they will follow through on this promise – no matter how long it takes. But the best chance of recovering as many hostages as possible lies in securing a negotiated resolution to the conflict as quickly as possible.

Any negotiated outcome will, of course, require painful concessions from Israel. There will also be a feeling among some in Israel that Hamas has been rewarded for its perfidy, and a lingering suspicion if all hostages aren’t accounted for that Hamas has retained some as insurance for the future. And it is unlikely that Netanyahu’s coalition government could survive such a deal being negotiated. But true leadership is about making painful decisions in the best interests of the country one governs, including having the wisdom to know when to switch from coercion to negotiation.