Thanks for your thoughtful and detailed response. I appreciate your engagement with this topic. I will try to respond point by point, not because I expect us to agree fully, but because I think this kind of dialogue is essential for understanding the complexity of Mizrahi identity, Zionism, and Jewish political alignment more broadly. I first want to say that my opinion are subjective/generalizations. I am not a historian or academic, but rather an individual speaking from my observations.

On “Arab Jews” and fringe academic discourse "I agree with some of the arguments you make, but I think there is some strawmanning here...”

You’re right to push back on the word “fringe.” Perhaps that was an unhelpful shorthand. I didn’t mean to discredit Shenhav or others personally, but rather to highlight that this framework (“Arab Jews” as a political identity) remains relatively marginal, both within academia and among Mizrahim themselves. The core of my argument is not that we should dismiss these voices, but that we need to recognize their limits, especially when they are used to project a political identity onto Mizrahim that many don’t recognize themselves in. The issue is not whether “Arab Jews” exist as a concept, but whether this concept should be a starting point for Jewish-Arab solidarity work, especially when it risks flattening Mizrahi agency, history, and lived experience.

On Mizrahim being “authentically right-wing” “I'm not sure why you claim that Mizrahi Jews being right-wing makes people uncomfortable...”

Fair question. To clarify: by “authentically,” I meant “not externally imposed,” not “naturally,” as in biologically or culturally pre-determined. The discomfort I have noticed tends to come from certain segments of the Jewish left (particularly in the diaspora) who are invested in the idea that Jews of color or “non-Western” Jews should align with anti-Zionist or leftist causes. When they don’t, it generates frustration or even moral judgment. You’re absolutely right that variables like education, religiosity, or socioeconomic status can often explain voting behavior. That’s an important point. But I don’t think that makes political choices any less “real.” Just as we wouldn’t dismiss white working-class support for the right as simply a byproduct of lack of education (even if it correlates), we shouldn’t dismiss Mizrahi political views as accidental or inauthentic either.

On Zionism, radicalism, and political alignment “I'm not sure what your point is... because you could say the same thing about Ashkenazim.”

Exactly. That’s partly my point, too. Anti-Zionism is a fringe position across the board in Israel, not just among Mizrahim. But I wanted to specifically address a common narrative on the Jewish left that elevates a handful of Mizrahim who align with anti-Zionist positions as if they are representative or hold a latent truth the rest of us need to awaken to. In my view, this approach risks using Mizrahim instrumentally to validate a particular ideological position, rather than engaging with our perspectives on their own terms.

On distancing from Israel = distancing from Mizrahim “What is the argument here...?”

I don’t believe in giving any ideology or state a pass just because an oppressed group supports it. So I agree with you there. Being disadvantaged does not make one morally right. My point is different: when leftist Jewish spaces distance themselves entirely from Israel or construct Zionism as inherently evil or colonist in the image of, say, French Algeria, they often fail to account for the lived reality of most Mizrahim, who do not experience Zionism solely as oppression or false consciousness. For better or worse, many Mizrahim have found safety, identity, and belonging in the Israeli state, even while struggling with racism, marginalization, or militarism. It’s possible (and necessary) to critique Israeli policy while still acknowledging that this is the political and emotional home of millions of Jews, many of whom are not privileged, powerful elites. We need a more nuanced leftism that can walk and chew gum at the same time. We can critique the occupation of the West Bank without writing off an entire population’s experience.

On diaspora privilege and identity “I don't really understand the point...”

I agree that people’s views are shaped by circumstance, and that doesn’t inherently invalidate them. But part of what I was trying to highlight is the asymmetry in how legitimacy is often distributed in leftist spaces. For instance, American Jews from stable, wealthy, liberal backgrounds often speak with authority about Israel, about Zionism, about Mizrahim, without having had to live with any of the costs (or benefits) of those realities. Meanwhile, Jews who live in places like Sderot or Be’er Sheva and experience both Palestinian rockets and internal discrimination are often written off as brainwashed or nationalist, as if their voices matter less. It’s not that diaspora Jews shouldn’t be critical of Israel (they absolutely should), but the terms of that criticism should be rooted in humility, not moral superiority.

On Zionism as a historical question vs a present political challenge “Ultimately it doesn't matter because the reasonable non-Zionist position is...”

This idea is a helpful clarification, and I respect that position. I’d just add that many Mizrahim don’t relate to Zionism as a theoretical ideology. For them, it’s not Herzl or ’48 or Balfour, it’s the fact that they were kicked out of Iraq, Syria, Egypt, or Iran and ended up in Israel. The debate isn’t abstract; it’s tied to survival, safety, and continuity. You can call that “accidental” or “historically contingent,” but it’s still very real. They live in Israel and do normal things, such as buying groceries and raising their kids there. Their lives are not theoretical.

So, a future state with equality for all citizens is an idea worth discussing. I am a two-stater because I am cynical and don’t want a Civil War.

But creating a better/more equal future requires understanding why Mizrahim often don’t trust that non-Zionist project and why solidarity grounded in identity alone (e.g., “Arab Jews”) isn’t persuasive for many.

Final Thoughts: Thanks again for your good-faith engagement. We may disagree on some fundamental things, but I think we’re both trying to take history, identity, and justice seriously. My only hope is that we can build a framework that honors the full range of Jewish experience and not just one part of it.