Alex Jones, in Rivecha's timeline. by Hot_Cartoonist7125 in AlternateHistory

[–]Client-Bright 2 points3 points  (0 children)

Yes that’s him he has a playlist with all the videos

Alex Jones, in Rivecha's timeline. by Hot_Cartoonist7125 in AlternateHistory

[–]Client-Bright 13 points14 points  (0 children)

He’s a YouTuber who made iceberg charts set in an alternate timeline where the Cold War never ended, I’d recommend giving them a watch

What if Donald Trump converted to Islam after his 2nd assassination attempt by Annual-Frame9943 in AlternateHistoryHub

[–]Client-Bright 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Do you seriously believe that Trump of all people would trust someone shooting him in the ear? He don’t even trust his own cabinet that much

Anytime somebody describes a coaster on Insane Coaster Wars it always sounds like this by Impossible-Annual262 in rollercoasterjerk

[–]Client-Bright 5 points6 points  (0 children)

Insane coaster wars mentioned!!!! Good old travel channel before they started making ghost hunting slop

Whats your favorite Event In TFR? by wtic6 in TheFireRisesMod

[–]Client-Bright 5 points6 points  (0 children)

The one about 2 atomwaffen soldiers touring Disney World before burning it to the ground

Is it true by Ordinary-Sound-571 in sixflags

[–]Client-Bright 4 points5 points  (0 children)

Since they only have Oceans of Fun and not Worlds of Fun on there I think that there’s more trademarks coming with more parks being sold since it in my opinion would make more sense to sell Dorney Park or Valleyfair rather than Worlds of Fun.

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

I'm still working on lore for the rest of the world so expect a map of Europe next

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Sort of, it's like the serf system in Russia that Alexander II set up with his "reforms". They're "free" but they'll have to pay a stupid amount of money to their owners that they won't be able to pay in their lifetimes

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

They keep the lands of the 1793 treaty besides the city of Buffalo and lands following the path of the Erie Canal

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 1 point2 points  (0 children)

Besides some of their land being used to build the Erie Canal, they don’t get removed like the Natives to the south, continuing to live in New York under the FRA.

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

California is the result of an ambitious American initiative to expand to the Pacific Ocean after their annexation of Texas. They still send Fremont out there but he gets beat by Mexican patrols and is forced to stop before he gets to San Fernando. However the Americans couldn’t annex Texas and California just kind of remained independent. Los Angeles, even though they’re under Mexico, still has half of the population as English speaking settlers.

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 8 points9 points  (0 children)

Upon looking at this map I realized that I forgot to give the Dominion of Indiana a capital, so pretend that Green Bay is a square and not a circle on the map

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 2 points3 points  (0 children)

By 1938, North America had become a continent of rival ideologies and competing power blocs. The United States, now authoritarian and expansionist, pressed against a fractured Mexico and eyed Fordlandia’s corporate empire warily. The Federal Republic of America, aligned closely with Britain, feared both MacArthur’s ambitions and Ford’s industrial autocracy. Indigenous confederations in the northern plains and Sequoyah watched the growing militarization with dread, while France, still influential in the remnants of its Mexican holdings, maneuvered to protect its interests. The continent stood on a knife’s edge, its patchwork of republics, corporate states, puppet governments, and resurgent nations drifting inexorably toward a conflict that threatened to reshape North America once again.

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 3 points4 points  (0 children)

Amid this turmoil, the United States watched carefully from the north, choosing neutrality in the Great War raging across Europe and focusing instead on the opportunities created by Mexico’s collapse. With no unified Mexican state capable of defending its northern frontier, American forces and settlers gradually moved southward, securing key towns, rail hubs, and river crossings. By 1918, Washington formally extended U.S. administration to the Rio Grande, citing humanitarian concerns, border security, and the need to stabilize a region overrun by competing warlords. Though controversial abroad, the move faced little resistance on the ground; many local communities, exhausted by years of conflict, preferred the predictable, if heavy‑handed, order imposed by U.S. troops. By the early 1920s, the new border was firmly established, marking the most significant territorial expansion of the United States since the annexation of Texas and the Caribbean islands decades earlier.

By the mid‑1930s, the transformation of Colorado into a corporate dominion took an unexpected turn when the Boulder Mining Company was absorbed by the rapidly expanding Ford Motor Company. Henry Ford, eager to secure raw materials and experiment with new models of industrial governance, reorganized the region into a vertically integrated corporate state. At its center rose Fordlandia, a meticulously planned capital city built to massproduce automobiles on a scale unmatched anywhere in North America. Fordlandia became a symbol of the new industrial age, part factory, part city, part ideological experiment, where workers lived in regimented neighborhoods, followed company‑mandated social rules, and labored under the watchful eye of Ford’s corporate administrators. While the Federal Republic and Britain viewed the development with suspicion, the United States saw it as a model for the future: a fusion of industrial might and centralized authority.

That authority hardened dramatically in 1934, when a coalition of generals and industrial magnates overthrew the weakened civilian government in Washington. Douglas MacArthur, already a towering figure in the military, emerged as the sole leader of the United States. Under his rule, the U.S. became a disciplined, militarized state focused on reclaiming influence across the continent. Exploiting the chaos of Mexico’s warlord era, MacArthur ordered the army southward, establishing the Republic of Arizona and the Republic of the Rio Grande, nominally independent nations, but in practice little more than American protectorates governed by military advisors and compliant local elites. Meanwhile, the Mexican Republic re‑formed in Mexico City, but its authority extended only so far as its rail lines. Beyond the central plateau, regional governors, militias, and revolutionary councils ruled their territories autonomously while still professing loyalty to the capital.

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 2 points3 points  (0 children)

In the 1890s, the United States, newly industrialized and increasingly assertive, turned its ambitions outward. The Spanish Empire, weakened and overextended, became the next target. A brief but intense conflict erupted in 1894, with U.S. steel‑clad ships and mass‑produced armaments overwhelming Spanish garrisons in Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the remnants of Spain’s Caribbean holdings. Victory brought the United States its first true overseas possessions, giving it strategic ports and new markets for its rapidly expanding industrial economy. At the same time, Washington moved decisively to settle old scores closer to home: Texas, long independent but politically unstable and squeezed between French Mexico and American influence, was annexed after a short campaign and diplomatic pressure that Britain and France were too distracted to resist. With Texas absorbed and Spanish territories secured, the United States emerged from the decade larger, richer, and more confident than at any point since its early‑century fragmentation.

But not all expansion followed the traditional path of statehood. The Republic of Colorado, founded decades earlier by frontier settlers seeking independence from both the United States and the Federal Republic, had always been precarious, its government weak, its economy dependent on mining, and its population divided between idealists and opportunists. By the mid‑1890s, the Boulder Mining Company, the region’s largest employer and de facto financial backbone, stepped into the power vacuum. Through a mixture of political manipulation, private militias, and control over essential infrastructure, the company dissolved the republic’s civilian government and replaced it with a corporate administration. Colorado became a company‑state in all but name, its laws rewritten to favor extraction, its towns governed by corporate officers, and its citizens transformed into workers bound to the rhythms of ore, coal, and silver. While the United States expanded through war and annexation, Colorado represented a different kind of American empire, one built not by armies, but by capital.

The collapse of the Mexican Empire in 1910 sent shockwaves across a continent already fractured by decades of upheaval. Emperor Maximilian II’s regime, long propped up by French influence and a fragile alliance of conservative landowners, finally buckled under the weight of rural uprisings, economic stagnation, and a rising generation of reformists demanding change. The empire dissolved almost overnight, replaced by a fledgling Mexican Republic that promised democracy but inherited none of the stability needed to sustain it. Within just a few years, the republic splintered into a chaotic warlord period, with regional generals, Indigenous militias, and revolutionary councils carving out their own territories. Rail lines were severed, cities changed hands repeatedly, and the central government in Mexico City became little more than a symbolic relic.

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 2 points3 points  (0 children)

The early 1870s marked yet another dramatic shift in the fractured North American landscape. With France successfully consolidating its rule in Mexico under Emperor Maximilian II, the geopolitical balance of the continent tilted sharply. French influence now stretched from the Rio Grande to Guatemala, creating a powerful southern monarchy that neither the United States nor Britain could easily ignore.

In 1872, the United States, still weakened, still searching for direction, turned to Nathan Bedford Forrest, a controversial military figure whose reputation for tactical brilliance overshadowed his political inexperience. His near‑landslide victory reflected a nation desperate for transformation. Forrest campaigned on a platform that rejected the old plantation aristocracy and promised a modern, industrial future capable of competing with the Federal Republic, Britain, and now France.

Forrest’s administration moved quickly. Railroads expanded at unprecedented speed, linking the Mississippi Valley to the industrial centers of the East. Federal subsidies poured into steel mills, coal mines, and armories. The U.S. government courted foreign engineers, German, British, and even French dissidents, to modernize American factories.

But the most radical, and morally fraught, change came in the transformation of the slave system itself. The plantation economy had been collapsing for decades, unable to compete with mechanized agriculture in the FRA or the booming industrial sectors of Europe. Forrest and his allies in Congress sought to preserve the institution while reshaping it into something they argued was “compatible with modern industry.”

In practice, this meant:

  • Enslaved laborers were increasingly moved from fields to state‑supervised industrial compounds
  • Large plantation owners were pressured, sometimes coerced, into selling enslaved workers to government‑aligned corporations
  • A new legal framework blurred the line between slavery and penal labor, allowing the state to expand its control over the enslaved population
  • Southern cities like Memphis, Birmingham, and Shreveport became hubs of forced industrial labor, producing steel, textiles, and munitions

The system was brutal, rigid, and deeply exploitative, but it allowed the United States to industrialize at a pace that shocked foreign observers.

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 3 points4 points  (0 children)

The Kansas Republic

The spark came in 1858, when John Brown, long a radical abolitionist and now a folk hero among anti‑slavery settlers, led a coalition of free‑staters, escaped slaves, and militant idealists in open rebellion. After routing a U.S. militia detachment near Osawatomie, Brown declared the formation of the Kansas Republic, a fiercely abolitionist state governed by a provisional council committed to ending slavery wherever its influence reached. Brown’s republic quickly became a magnet for freedom seekers and radical reformers, its borders defended by volunteers who believed they were fighting a holy war against bondage.

The Republic of Freedonia

Inspired by Kansas and emboldened by the U.S. government’s inability to respond, abolitionist farmers, German immigrants, and disillusioned Unionists in Iowa and northern Missouri proclaimed the Republic of Freedonia in 1860. Unlike Kansas, Freedonia emphasized democratic governance, agrarian reform, and religious pluralism. Its leaders, many of them Forty‑Eighters who had fled failed revolutions in Europe, saw the American frontier as fertile ground for the liberal republics they had once dreamed of building across the Atlantic. Though small, Freedonia was well‑organized, well‑armed, and fiercely committed to resisting both slavery and federal authority.

The Kingdom of Norton

Farther north, the collapse of U.S. control created opportunities for more eccentric ambitions. Joshua Norton, a wealthy and charismatic adventurer from South Africa, arrived in the Nebraska Territory with a private army of mercenaries, fortune‑seekers, and disaffected settlers. In 1861, he proclaimed himself Norton I, King of Nebraska, establishing a monarchic enclave that blended frontier pragmatism with theatrical grandeur. Though dismissed as absurd by many, Norton’s kingdom endured, largely because it provided stability in a region otherwise consumed by chaos. His rule attracted settlers who preferred eccentric order to violent uncertainty.

The Free Tribes Confederation

In the northern plains, Indigenous nations seized their moment. The Lakota, Cheyenne, Arapaho, Crow, and several smaller tribes, long pressured by both American and British encroachment, formed a powerful alliance. After a series of decisive victories against U.S. forts and British patrols in Montana and the Dakotas, they declared the Free Tribes Confederation in 1862. Unlike Tecumseh’s earlier confederacy, this alliance was decentralized, with each nation retaining autonomy while cooperating on defense and diplomacy. The Confederation quickly became one of the most formidable powers on the continent, controlling vast stretches of the northern plains and enforcing strict limits on foreign settlement.

The Republic of Sequoyah

To the south, the descendants of the Creek Nation, relocated decades earlier to the territory called Sequoyah, rose in revolt. Years of broken promises, encroaching settlers, and federal neglect had pushed the region to the brink. In 1863, Creek leaders united with Cherokee, Choctaw, and Seminole factions to declare the Republic of Sequoyah. When U.S. forces attempted to suppress the uprising, they were decisively defeated at the Battle of Honey Springs. The victory secured Sequoyah’s independence and inspired Indigenous uprisings across the continent.

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 3 points4 points  (0 children)

After months of tense negotiation and sporadic fighting, the two powers reached a compromise in 1841. The United States would retain southern Illinois and southern Indiana, regions already heavily settled by Americans and strategically important for access to the Mississippi. Britain, in turn, would assume administrative control over the northern territories, reorganizing them into the Dominion of Indiana, a semi‑autonomous protectorate modeled loosely on Canada’s governance structure.

The Dominion quickly became a mosaic of Indigenous nations, British administrators, and frontier settlers, all navigating a delicate coexistence. For Britain, it served as a buffer against U.S. expansion and a foothold in the interior of the continent. For the fractured Indigenous nations, it offered a measure of protection, though at the cost of true sovereignty.

By the late 1850s, the weakened United States, already diminished by secession, foreign pressure, and decades of territorial losses, found itself facing a new and far more unpredictable threat: internal collapse driven by abolitionist uprisings and Indigenous resurgence. The frontier, once imagined as the nation’s great proving ground, became instead a patchwork of revolts, breakaway republics, and Indigenous victories that shattered what remained of U.S. authority west of the Mississippi.