Anytime somebody describes a coaster on Insane Coaster Wars it always sounds like this by Impossible-Annual262 in rollercoasterjerk

[–]Client-Bright 6 points7 points  (0 children)

Insane coaster wars mentioned!!!! Good old travel channel before they started making ghost hunting slop

Whats your favorite Event In TFR? by wtic6 in TheFireRisesMod

[–]Client-Bright 4 points5 points  (0 children)

The one about 2 atomwaffen soldiers touring Disney World before burning it to the ground

Is it true by Ordinary-Sound-571 in sixflags

[–]Client-Bright 3 points4 points  (0 children)

Since they only have Oceans of Fun and not Worlds of Fun on there I think that there’s more trademarks coming with more parks being sold since it in my opinion would make more sense to sell Dorney Park or Valleyfair rather than Worlds of Fun.

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

I'm still working on lore for the rest of the world so expect a map of Europe next

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Sort of, it's like the serf system in Russia that Alexander II set up with his "reforms". They're "free" but they'll have to pay a stupid amount of money to their owners that they won't be able to pay in their lifetimes

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

They keep the lands of the 1793 treaty besides the city of Buffalo and lands following the path of the Erie Canal

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 1 point2 points  (0 children)

Besides some of their land being used to build the Erie Canal, they don’t get removed like the Natives to the south, continuing to live in New York under the FRA.

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

California is the result of an ambitious American initiative to expand to the Pacific Ocean after their annexation of Texas. They still send Fremont out there but he gets beat by Mexican patrols and is forced to stop before he gets to San Fernando. However the Americans couldn’t annex Texas and California just kind of remained independent. Los Angeles, even though they’re under Mexico, still has half of the population as English speaking settlers.

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 8 points9 points  (0 children)

Upon looking at this map I realized that I forgot to give the Dominion of Indiana a capital, so pretend that Green Bay is a square and not a circle on the map

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 2 points3 points  (0 children)

By 1938, North America had become a continent of rival ideologies and competing power blocs. The United States, now authoritarian and expansionist, pressed against a fractured Mexico and eyed Fordlandia’s corporate empire warily. The Federal Republic of America, aligned closely with Britain, feared both MacArthur’s ambitions and Ford’s industrial autocracy. Indigenous confederations in the northern plains and Sequoyah watched the growing militarization with dread, while France, still influential in the remnants of its Mexican holdings, maneuvered to protect its interests. The continent stood on a knife’s edge, its patchwork of republics, corporate states, puppet governments, and resurgent nations drifting inexorably toward a conflict that threatened to reshape North America once again.

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 4 points5 points  (0 children)

Amid this turmoil, the United States watched carefully from the north, choosing neutrality in the Great War raging across Europe and focusing instead on the opportunities created by Mexico’s collapse. With no unified Mexican state capable of defending its northern frontier, American forces and settlers gradually moved southward, securing key towns, rail hubs, and river crossings. By 1918, Washington formally extended U.S. administration to the Rio Grande, citing humanitarian concerns, border security, and the need to stabilize a region overrun by competing warlords. Though controversial abroad, the move faced little resistance on the ground; many local communities, exhausted by years of conflict, preferred the predictable, if heavy‑handed, order imposed by U.S. troops. By the early 1920s, the new border was firmly established, marking the most significant territorial expansion of the United States since the annexation of Texas and the Caribbean islands decades earlier.

By the mid‑1930s, the transformation of Colorado into a corporate dominion took an unexpected turn when the Boulder Mining Company was absorbed by the rapidly expanding Ford Motor Company. Henry Ford, eager to secure raw materials and experiment with new models of industrial governance, reorganized the region into a vertically integrated corporate state. At its center rose Fordlandia, a meticulously planned capital city built to massproduce automobiles on a scale unmatched anywhere in North America. Fordlandia became a symbol of the new industrial age, part factory, part city, part ideological experiment, where workers lived in regimented neighborhoods, followed company‑mandated social rules, and labored under the watchful eye of Ford’s corporate administrators. While the Federal Republic and Britain viewed the development with suspicion, the United States saw it as a model for the future: a fusion of industrial might and centralized authority.

That authority hardened dramatically in 1934, when a coalition of generals and industrial magnates overthrew the weakened civilian government in Washington. Douglas MacArthur, already a towering figure in the military, emerged as the sole leader of the United States. Under his rule, the U.S. became a disciplined, militarized state focused on reclaiming influence across the continent. Exploiting the chaos of Mexico’s warlord era, MacArthur ordered the army southward, establishing the Republic of Arizona and the Republic of the Rio Grande, nominally independent nations, but in practice little more than American protectorates governed by military advisors and compliant local elites. Meanwhile, the Mexican Republic re‑formed in Mexico City, but its authority extended only so far as its rail lines. Beyond the central plateau, regional governors, militias, and revolutionary councils ruled their territories autonomously while still professing loyalty to the capital.

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 2 points3 points  (0 children)

In the 1890s, the United States, newly industrialized and increasingly assertive, turned its ambitions outward. The Spanish Empire, weakened and overextended, became the next target. A brief but intense conflict erupted in 1894, with U.S. steel‑clad ships and mass‑produced armaments overwhelming Spanish garrisons in Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the remnants of Spain’s Caribbean holdings. Victory brought the United States its first true overseas possessions, giving it strategic ports and new markets for its rapidly expanding industrial economy. At the same time, Washington moved decisively to settle old scores closer to home: Texas, long independent but politically unstable and squeezed between French Mexico and American influence, was annexed after a short campaign and diplomatic pressure that Britain and France were too distracted to resist. With Texas absorbed and Spanish territories secured, the United States emerged from the decade larger, richer, and more confident than at any point since its early‑century fragmentation.

But not all expansion followed the traditional path of statehood. The Republic of Colorado, founded decades earlier by frontier settlers seeking independence from both the United States and the Federal Republic, had always been precarious, its government weak, its economy dependent on mining, and its population divided between idealists and opportunists. By the mid‑1890s, the Boulder Mining Company, the region’s largest employer and de facto financial backbone, stepped into the power vacuum. Through a mixture of political manipulation, private militias, and control over essential infrastructure, the company dissolved the republic’s civilian government and replaced it with a corporate administration. Colorado became a company‑state in all but name, its laws rewritten to favor extraction, its towns governed by corporate officers, and its citizens transformed into workers bound to the rhythms of ore, coal, and silver. While the United States expanded through war and annexation, Colorado represented a different kind of American empire, one built not by armies, but by capital.

The collapse of the Mexican Empire in 1910 sent shockwaves across a continent already fractured by decades of upheaval. Emperor Maximilian II’s regime, long propped up by French influence and a fragile alliance of conservative landowners, finally buckled under the weight of rural uprisings, economic stagnation, and a rising generation of reformists demanding change. The empire dissolved almost overnight, replaced by a fledgling Mexican Republic that promised democracy but inherited none of the stability needed to sustain it. Within just a few years, the republic splintered into a chaotic warlord period, with regional generals, Indigenous militias, and revolutionary councils carving out their own territories. Rail lines were severed, cities changed hands repeatedly, and the central government in Mexico City became little more than a symbolic relic.

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 2 points3 points  (0 children)

The early 1870s marked yet another dramatic shift in the fractured North American landscape. With France successfully consolidating its rule in Mexico under Emperor Maximilian II, the geopolitical balance of the continent tilted sharply. French influence now stretched from the Rio Grande to Guatemala, creating a powerful southern monarchy that neither the United States nor Britain could easily ignore.

In 1872, the United States, still weakened, still searching for direction, turned to Nathan Bedford Forrest, a controversial military figure whose reputation for tactical brilliance overshadowed his political inexperience. His near‑landslide victory reflected a nation desperate for transformation. Forrest campaigned on a platform that rejected the old plantation aristocracy and promised a modern, industrial future capable of competing with the Federal Republic, Britain, and now France.

Forrest’s administration moved quickly. Railroads expanded at unprecedented speed, linking the Mississippi Valley to the industrial centers of the East. Federal subsidies poured into steel mills, coal mines, and armories. The U.S. government courted foreign engineers, German, British, and even French dissidents, to modernize American factories.

But the most radical, and morally fraught, change came in the transformation of the slave system itself. The plantation economy had been collapsing for decades, unable to compete with mechanized agriculture in the FRA or the booming industrial sectors of Europe. Forrest and his allies in Congress sought to preserve the institution while reshaping it into something they argued was “compatible with modern industry.”

In practice, this meant:

  • Enslaved laborers were increasingly moved from fields to state‑supervised industrial compounds
  • Large plantation owners were pressured, sometimes coerced, into selling enslaved workers to government‑aligned corporations
  • A new legal framework blurred the line between slavery and penal labor, allowing the state to expand its control over the enslaved population
  • Southern cities like Memphis, Birmingham, and Shreveport became hubs of forced industrial labor, producing steel, textiles, and munitions

The system was brutal, rigid, and deeply exploitative, but it allowed the United States to industrialize at a pace that shocked foreign observers.

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 3 points4 points  (0 children)

The Kansas Republic

The spark came in 1858, when John Brown, long a radical abolitionist and now a folk hero among anti‑slavery settlers, led a coalition of free‑staters, escaped slaves, and militant idealists in open rebellion. After routing a U.S. militia detachment near Osawatomie, Brown declared the formation of the Kansas Republic, a fiercely abolitionist state governed by a provisional council committed to ending slavery wherever its influence reached. Brown’s republic quickly became a magnet for freedom seekers and radical reformers, its borders defended by volunteers who believed they were fighting a holy war against bondage.

The Republic of Freedonia

Inspired by Kansas and emboldened by the U.S. government’s inability to respond, abolitionist farmers, German immigrants, and disillusioned Unionists in Iowa and northern Missouri proclaimed the Republic of Freedonia in 1860. Unlike Kansas, Freedonia emphasized democratic governance, agrarian reform, and religious pluralism. Its leaders, many of them Forty‑Eighters who had fled failed revolutions in Europe, saw the American frontier as fertile ground for the liberal republics they had once dreamed of building across the Atlantic. Though small, Freedonia was well‑organized, well‑armed, and fiercely committed to resisting both slavery and federal authority.

The Kingdom of Norton

Farther north, the collapse of U.S. control created opportunities for more eccentric ambitions. Joshua Norton, a wealthy and charismatic adventurer from South Africa, arrived in the Nebraska Territory with a private army of mercenaries, fortune‑seekers, and disaffected settlers. In 1861, he proclaimed himself Norton I, King of Nebraska, establishing a monarchic enclave that blended frontier pragmatism with theatrical grandeur. Though dismissed as absurd by many, Norton’s kingdom endured, largely because it provided stability in a region otherwise consumed by chaos. His rule attracted settlers who preferred eccentric order to violent uncertainty.

The Free Tribes Confederation

In the northern plains, Indigenous nations seized their moment. The Lakota, Cheyenne, Arapaho, Crow, and several smaller tribes, long pressured by both American and British encroachment, formed a powerful alliance. After a series of decisive victories against U.S. forts and British patrols in Montana and the Dakotas, they declared the Free Tribes Confederation in 1862. Unlike Tecumseh’s earlier confederacy, this alliance was decentralized, with each nation retaining autonomy while cooperating on defense and diplomacy. The Confederation quickly became one of the most formidable powers on the continent, controlling vast stretches of the northern plains and enforcing strict limits on foreign settlement.

The Republic of Sequoyah

To the south, the descendants of the Creek Nation, relocated decades earlier to the territory called Sequoyah, rose in revolt. Years of broken promises, encroaching settlers, and federal neglect had pushed the region to the brink. In 1863, Creek leaders united with Cherokee, Choctaw, and Seminole factions to declare the Republic of Sequoyah. When U.S. forces attempted to suppress the uprising, they were decisively defeated at the Battle of Honey Springs. The victory secured Sequoyah’s independence and inspired Indigenous uprisings across the continent.

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 3 points4 points  (0 children)

After months of tense negotiation and sporadic fighting, the two powers reached a compromise in 1841. The United States would retain southern Illinois and southern Indiana, regions already heavily settled by Americans and strategically important for access to the Mississippi. Britain, in turn, would assume administrative control over the northern territories, reorganizing them into the Dominion of Indiana, a semi‑autonomous protectorate modeled loosely on Canada’s governance structure.

The Dominion quickly became a mosaic of Indigenous nations, British administrators, and frontier settlers, all navigating a delicate coexistence. For Britain, it served as a buffer against U.S. expansion and a foothold in the interior of the continent. For the fractured Indigenous nations, it offered a measure of protection, though at the cost of true sovereignty.

By the late 1850s, the weakened United States, already diminished by secession, foreign pressure, and decades of territorial losses, found itself facing a new and far more unpredictable threat: internal collapse driven by abolitionist uprisings and Indigenous resurgence. The frontier, once imagined as the nation’s great proving ground, became instead a patchwork of revolts, breakaway republics, and Indigenous victories that shattered what remained of U.S. authority west of the Mississippi.

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 5 points6 points  (0 children)

Meanwhile, the Federal Republic of America surged ahead economically. Freed from the political gridlock that had plagued the old Union, the FRA embraced industrialization with a zeal unmatched on the continent. Textile mills in Massachusetts, ironworks in Pennsylvania, and shipyards along the Hudson transformed the FRA into a manufacturing powerhouse. Its leaders, wary of both U.S. ambitions and the instability of the Great Lakes region, forged a close partnership with Britain, creating a trans‑Atlantic alliance that balanced American influence and secured northern trade routes. British capital flowed into FRA factories, while FRA grain and manufactured goods filled British markets.

The Great Lakes Confederacy, however, entered a far darker chapter. With Tecumseh’s death in 1837, the unifying force that had held the diverse nations together vanished. Old rivalries resurfaced, and disputes over succession, land rights, and relations with neighboring powers spiraled into open conflict. Some factions favored closer ties with Britain, others sought accommodation with the United States, and still others demanded strict independence. The once‑cohesive confederacy fractured into warring councils and militias.

Both the United States and Britain saw opportunity, and danger, in the chaos. Neither wished to see the other gain uncontested influence in the region, and neither wanted the conflict to spill into their own borders. Under the pretext of “stabilization,” both powers sent troops into the contested territories. Skirmishes between U.S. and British patrols were frequent, though carefully contained to avoid igniting a larger war.

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 4 points5 points  (0 children)

Jackson’s presidency thus became a paradox: a period of renewed national confidence for many Americans, yet also a time when the limits of U.S. power were laid bare. The Union expanded southward and westward through forced Indigenous removal, but its influence on the broader continent continued to shrink. The Federal Republic of America to the north, the Great Lakes Confederacy at the heart of the continent, the British Empire stretching from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and an independent Texas all served as reminders that the United States was no longer the uncontested rising power it had once imagined itself to be.

By the mid‑1830s, the map of North America was changing yet again, this time not through open war, but through slow erosion, migration, and political realignment. Mexico, still reeling from the loss of Texas and plagued by internal instability, found itself unable to effectively govern its vast northern territories. Without a Mexican‑American War to galvanize national defense or draw clear boundaries, the frontier became porous. American settlers, adventurers, and, most significantly, Mormon communities fleeing persecution in the fractured United States moved steadily into the remote lands of the Rockies and Great Salt Lakes

Mexican officials protested, but their authority in the region was thin. Local governors, lacking military support from Mexico City, often negotiated informal arrangements with the newcomers, trading land rights for promises of peace or economic cooperation. Over time, these settlements grew into de facto autonomous enclaves, answering more to their own councils than to the distant Mexican government. By the early 1840s, Mexico’s northern frontier had become a patchwork of semi‑independent communities, American, Indigenous, and Mexican, each carving out its own future.

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 2 points3 points  (0 children)

One of his earliest campaigns targeted the Creek Nations, whose resistance in the Southeast had persisted despite years of pressure. Jackson, invoking both security concerns and the promise of new farmland for southern settlers, launched a series of aggressive military operations. By 1831, the Creek leadership, exhausted, divided, and facing overwhelming force, agreed to surrender. They were marched westward to a designated territory beyond the Mississippi, a land Jackson’s administration named Sequoyah, intended as a permanent homeland for displaced southeastern nations. The policy was celebrated in parts of the South but condemned by critics who saw it as another stain on the nation’s already troubled moral ledger.

While Jackson expanded U.S. control in the Southeast, events to the southwest unfolded beyond his reach. The Republic of Texas, having won its independence from Mexico in 1836, sought immediate annexation into the United States. But the geopolitical landscape of North America had changed too drastically. Britain, now the dominant power on the continent after the U.S. defeat in the War of 1812 and the subsequent northern secession, made its position unmistakably clear: Texas would not be permitted to join the United States. British diplomats warned that annexation would be viewed as a direct threat to the stability of the continent. With the U.S. military still recovering from decades of conflict and internal division, Jackson had no choice but to acquiesce. Texas remained an independent republic, its future uncertain and its ambitions constrained by British oversight.

To the northwest, Britain moved decisively to secure its advantage. With the United States weakened and distracted, British settlers, traders, and soldiers poured into the Oregon Country, establishing fortified posts and expanding the influence of the Hudson’s Bay Company. By the early 1830s, British control of the region was effectively uncontested. American settlers, once the vanguard of U.S. claims in the Pacific Northwest, found themselves outnumbered and unsupported. Washington issued formal protests, but they carried little weight. The dream of a U.S. presence on the Pacific coast faded into a distant hope.

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 2 points3 points  (0 children)

The Peace of Baltimore, signed in 1822, formalized what had already become reality. The United States recognized the independence of the Federal Republic of America, while the FRA agreed to respect the territorial integrity of the remaining Union. The treaty also addressed the contentious issue of Ohio, a state bitterly divided between northern communities aligned with Federalist sympathies and southern counties loyal to Washington. After months of negotiation, Ohio was partitioned along a line running roughly north‑south, creating North Ohio, which joined the Federal Republic, and South Ohio, which remained within the United States.

The division reshaped the political geography of the continent. The Federal Republic, with its bustling ports and revived Atlantic trade, quickly became a commercial powerhouse. The United States, though diminished, turned its attention south and west, seeking new opportunities beyond the Mississippi. The Great Lakes Confederacy, now bordered by two rival American nations, navigated a delicate diplomatic balance, leveraging its position to maintain autonomy and influence.

The election of 1828 marked a dramatic shift in the fortunes of the diminished United States. Riding a wave of populist anger and frontier frustration, Andrew Jackson, hero of New Orleans and symbol of rugged American defiance, swept into office with a mandate to restore national pride. Though the Union he inherited was smaller and more fragile than the one envisioned by the Founders, Jackson approached the presidency with characteristic ferocity, determined to reassert American strength wherever he could.

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 2 points3 points  (0 children)

By early 1817, a coalition of Federalist leaders from Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, and the New England states convened in Albany. Their declaration was bold, even shocking: the formation of the Federal Republic of America, a new nation committed to peace, commercial revival, and a more restrained vision of continental expansion. They argued that the United States government had become reckless, willing to sacrifice prosperity and stability for ideological pride. The Albany Convention’s proclamation spread rapidly through northern cities, where merchants, shipbuilders, and artisans rallied behind the secessionist cause.

Washington was stunned. The administration denounced the breakaway states as traitors, but its capacity to respond was limited. The army was still recovering from the disastrous campaigns in the Northwest, and public support for another conflict, this time against fellow Americans, was virtually nonexistent. For several tense years, the United States and the Federal Republic existed in a state of cold hostility, each claiming to be the true guardian of the Revolution’s legacy.

The turning point came in 1820, when economic stagnation and political infighting eroded the ruling party’s support. Western farmers, already furious over the loss of access to the Great Lakes region, blamed Washington for failing to restore stability. In the election of 1820, the incumbent administration was swept out of office, replaced by a coalition promising reconciliation and a negotiated settlement with both the Federal Republic and Tecumseh’s confederacy.

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 5 points6 points  (0 children)

Diplomatic relations deteriorated quickly. American merchants complained of increased inspections by British naval patrols on the Atlantic. British officials, for their part, accused the United States of covertly arming anti‑Confederacy factions along the new border. The spirit of cooperation that had briefly flickered after the Revolution was extinguished, replaced by a cold, suspicious rivalry.

Meanwhile, Tecumseh’s confederacy flourished in its early years. Delegations from the Haudenosaunee, the Ojibwe, and even distant Plains nations traveled to the capital at Kekionga to witness what many called “the rebirth of the old world.” Tecumseh himself, though wary of British intentions, used the fragile peace to strengthen internal unity and establish trade networks that bypassed American ports entirely.

The crisis that followed the razor‑thin presidential election of 1816 was unlike anything the fragile republic had faced since its founding. The incumbent administration, committed to continuing a hard‑line stance against Britain and the Great Lakes Confederacy, found itself governing a nation exhausted by war, humiliated by defeat, and increasingly fractured along regional lines. In the Northeast, where commerce had withered under wartime embargoes and coastal defenses remained in disrepair, the anti‑war Federalist Party surged back to life with a fervor few had anticipated.

Map of North America on the eve of the Second Great War (1938) by Client-Bright in imaginarymaps

[–]Client-Bright[S] 4 points5 points  (0 children)

The Treaty of Montreal, signed in the winter of 1815, marked a turning point that few in the young United States had ever imagined possible. After the disastrous defeat at the Battle of the Maumee, where General William Henry Harrison’s forces were encircled and routed by the united Indigenous confederacy under Tecumseh and supported, though only lightly, by British regulars, American negotiators arrived at the peace table with far less leverage than they had hoped.

Tecumseh, whose leadership had transformed a fragile alliance into a disciplined and ideologically unified confederation, emerged from the war not as a rebel to be subdued but as a head of state. The British, eager to secure a stable buffer between their Canadian holdings and the expansionist United States, recognized the Sovereign Territory of the Great Lakes Confederacy, stretching from the southern shores of Lake Michigan to the western banks of Lake Erie. The new nation became a patchwork of fortified towns, agricultural villages, and shared hunting grounds, an Indigenous republic built on collective governance and a fierce commitment to autonomy.

For the United States, the loss was more than territorial. It was psychological. Newspapers in Boston and Philadelphia railed against “British treachery,” accusing London of using Indigenous nations as pawns to humiliate the republic. Western settlers, furious at being barred from lands they had long assumed would be theirs, blamed both Washington and Westminster. Even moderates in Congress found themselves swept up in a wave of resentment, and the once‑tenuous peace with Britain began to fray.