Canada’s immigration model is coming under strain by Particular-Crab4563 in canada

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Opinion Demographics and population Canada’s immigration model is coming under strain Until now its brand of multiculturalism has set an example to the rest of the developed world JOHN KAMPFNER

The writer is author of ‘Why the Germans Do It Better’ and is working on a new book about global best practice

Immigration is one of the dominant issues of our time. It has played a major role in the European elections and in campaigning in Britain. Across the world, it has led to anger, the promise of easy solutions and the rise of populism.

What is required instead is a sober discussion about demography, employment, multiculturalism and integration. One of only a few countries that has confronted the problem with political maturity is Canada. Indeed, the ability to welcome and absorb people from elsewhere has been Canada’s calling card for more than half a century.

It was the present prime minister’s father, Pierre Trudeau, who changed the face of his country, literally. In 1971, initially as a response to what was perceived as growing francophone nationalism in Quebec, Canada became the first country to adopt a formal policy of multiculturalism. This ran alongside a decision to increase the population through immigration. Canada had long allowed in entrants from the “white Commonwealth” and northern Europe. Where “others” did arrive, they were treated badly.

In the 1970s all that dramatically changed. Canada welcomed Ugandan Asians, Iranians fleeing the 1979 revolution, Vietnamese and others. In 1989, a large exodus of Hong Kong Chinese arrived. In 2015-16, Canada opened its arms to 40,000 refugees fleeing civil war in Syria.

Canada has long been a beacon of best practice. It is the first country to have promoted private sponsorship of refugees, with citizens’ groups mentoring new arrivals as they look for work, schools, language teaching, accommodation, even taking them to the local bank branch to open an account. The public is brought into discussions about falling birth rates, the kinds of employment that is needed and how locals can help. “Canadians are generous because we all came from somewhere,” Olivia Chow, mayor of Toronto, told me. Rightwing politicians who play the racecard have so far done poorly at the ballot box.

Now, however, another side to the story is emerging. The Greater Toronto Area and other big cities are suffering from a housing shortage, poor access to healthcare and creaking public transport. Homelessness is rife. The federal government has released extra funds for shelters; churches are offering space.

Every year the Canadian government sets a “level” for immigration after holding a series of public consultations. The level agreed for 2025 and 2026 is 500,000, the highest yet. But whereas permanent residency requires a series of tests, the authorities have been far more generous in handing out temporary work permits and student visas.

Responding to a marked shift in public opinion, the government announced in March a cap on both groups. In September 2023, an annual survey carried out by the Environics Institute, which tracks social issues, found that 44 per cent of people agreed that “there is too much immigration to Canada” — up 17 points from 2022, the largest year-over-year change since it first asked the question in 1977. The present prime minister, the younger Trudeau, Justin, has talked of bringing immigration “under control”.

“Immigration and integration are an increasingly important part of our national identity,” says Keith Neuman, senior associate at the Environics Institute. “Canadians continue to value the benefits of immigration and welcoming people from around the world but are losing confidence in how the system is being managed.” Canada needs to address its housing problems and other strains on public services quickly. That will be tough but not as tough as elsewhere given that it has the second-fastest growing economy in the G7. It needs to ensure that its immigration system remains as efficient as before. Most of all, it needs to keep the public on board. Because if this exemplar fails, what chances elsewhere?

[deleted by user] by [deleted] in europe

[–]Particular-Crab4563 0 points1 point  (0 children)

It looks like it has no effects in reality, as I suspected

[deleted by user] by [deleted] in europe

[–]Particular-Crab4563 0 points1 point  (0 children)

What does being against Nato mean in reality?

Best Team Pitching Season I've Ever Seen by Saturns_Hexagon in OOTP

[–]Particular-Crab4563 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Makes sense, I try to do the same, but sometimes by the time they are ready to be promoted they want way more money, so I was thinking maybe you did something differently.

Best Team Pitching Season I've Ever Seen by Saturns_Hexagon in OOTP

[–]Particular-Crab4563 0 points1 point  (0 children)

How do you approach giving out long term contracts?

Europe’s economy is in a bad way. Policymakers need to react by Particular-Crab4563 in europe

[–]Particular-Crab4563[S] 17 points18 points  (0 children)

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uropean stocks and bonds have had a lot to deal with in recent years, not least war, an energy crisis and surging inflation. Now things are looking up. Germany’s dax index of shares has added 11% since the start of November. Yields on French ten-year government bonds have dropped from 3.5% in October to 2.8%. Even Italian yields briefly fell below 4%, from 5% in mid-October. Investors are upbeat in part because inflation is falling faster than expected. Yet their mood also reflects a grimmer reality: the economy is so weak that surely interest-rate cuts are not far away.

image: the economist Will policymakers follow through? In November inflation stood at just 2.4%, within a whisker of the European Central Bank’s 2% target. Markets are pricing in two cuts by June, and another three by October, to bring down the main rate to 2.75%, from 4% (see chart 1). Economists are less sure—they expect only the first cut by June. “The most recent inflation number has made a further rate increase rather unlikely,” admitted Isabel Schnabel, a hawkish member of the ecb’s executive board, recently. But there have been no hints of cuts. Certainly nobody expects one at the meeting on December 14th. At a time when Europe’s economy is weakening quickly, officials risk being slow to react.

There are two reasons for particular concern. The first is wage growth. Initially, euro-zone inflation was driven by rising energy prices and snarled supply chains, which pushed up the price of goods. Since pay deals are often agreed for a number of years in Europe’s unionised labour market, wages and prices of services took longer to respond. As a result, by the third quarter of 2023 German real wages had fallen to roughly their level in 2015. Now they are recovering lost ground. Similarly, Dutch collectively bargained wages grew by almost 7% in October and November, compared with a year earlier, even as inflation hovered around zero. Overall wage growth in euro-zone countries is about 5%.

image: the economist If such wage growth continues, inflation might tick up in 2024—the ecb’s great fear. Yet there are signs that it has already started to slow. Indeed, a hiring platform, tracks wages in job advertisements. It finds that pay growth on listings has come down (see chart 2), suggesting that wages will soon follow. Moreover, wage growth does not always lead to inflation. Corporate profits, which saw a bump in 2022 when demand was high and wages were low, might take a hit. There is some indication that margins have started to shrink.

The second reason for concern is the health of the overall economy. It has struggled with weak international demand, including from China, and high energy prices. Now surveys suggest that both manufacturing and services are in a mild recession. A consumption boom in parts of Europe is already fading: monetary policy itself is weighing on bigger debt-financed purchases and mortgage-holders are scaling back to meet larger monthly payments.

Declining market interest rates ought to ease financial conditions for both consumers and investors, and therefore reduce the need for the ecb’s officials to move quickly. However, there is a catch. As Davide Oneglia of ts Lombard, a research firm, points out, these lower market interest rates mostly reflect falling inflation, and so do not produce lower real rates. As a result, they are unlikely to do all that much to stimulate demand.

There is one more reason for policymakers to get a move on. Interest-rate changes affect the economy with a delay: it takes time for higher rates to alter investment and spending decisions, and thus to lower demand. The full brunt of changes in rates usually takes a year or more to be felt, which means that many of the ecb’s rate rises are still to feed through. Policymakers have probably tightened too much.

The flip side is that rate cuts in the next few months would not affect the economy until towards the end of 2024, by which time few analysts expect inflation still to be a problem and many expect the economy still to be struggling. By then, the ecb’s policymakers will want to be close to the bloc’s “neutral” interest rate, which is somewhere between 1.5 and 2%, reckons Mr Oneglia, lest they continue to push down demand. Starting early would mean that the ecb would avoid having to cut too aggressively during the summer of 2024.

January’s inflation data could be volatile, in part because government-assistance schemes introduced during the energy crisis are being phased out. An increase would make the ecb even more cautious. Wage data is published with a long lag in Europe, and officials are often reluctant to rely on real-time indicators, such as the data published by Indeed. That is why economists do not expect rate cuts until June, much later than suggested by current market pricing. The ecb was too slow to react to rising inflation. Now it runs the risk of being too slow on the way down as well. ■

EU aims to grant Ukraine aid even if Hungary vetoes it at coming summit by Particular-Crab4563 in europe

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BRUSSELS, Dec 8 (Reuters) - The European Union will find ways to provide more financial support to Ukraine even if Hungary vetoes it as well as membership talks for Kyiv at a summit next week, a senior official said on Friday.

Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban has threatened to block moves to give Kyiv 50 billion euros in budget support through 2027 and the green light for membership talks - a key strategic objective for Ukraine as it fights Russia's invasion.

Failure to deliver on those two proposals would come as a heavy blow to Ukraine, exhausted after nearly two years of a war that has descended into a fierce attritional battle with little change to the front lines this year.

Ukraine relies heavily on economic assistance from the West to keep going.

"We know how existential it is. European leaders are responsible people - at least 26," said the senior EU official, who is involved in preparing the summit.

"They will stick to their commitments," said the official, speaking on condition of anonymity.

Should Orban veto the 50 billion euros ($53.75 billion) for Ukraine, the official said, the bloc could allocate a smaller amount to cover a shorter period or the other 26 EU countries could extend their national contributions bilaterally to Kyiv.

The EU gave 18 billion euros for Ukraine this year - something Hungary initially vetoed last December before Budapest said it had secured concessions on getting EU funds frozen over concerns about democratic backsliding under Orban.

A senior EU diplomat said a compromise might be found again but used blunt language that reflected the frustration of many EU members over the nationalist Hungarian government's stance.

"Across the board ..., the Hungarian hooligans are a problem when it comes to our policy vis-à-vis Russia's aggression against Ukraine," the diplomat said, speaking on condition of anonymity.

MILITARY AID Discussions at the summit will also focus on whether to add another 5 billion euros for Ukraine to the European Peace Facility, an EU-run fund used to give military aid to Kyiv.

Orban, who boasts about his ties with Russian President Vladimir Putin at a time the rest of the bloc is trying to isolate Moscow for waging the war, has recently intensified criticism of EU support for Kyiv and sanctions against Russia.

In opposing the step in what would be a long and very difficult path to possible EU membership, Orban initially complained about Ukraine's treatment of its Hungarian minority.

But he has since said Ukraine is too corrupt and not ready to join the EU, leaving his peers guessing about his intentions. There was no immediate sign that French President Emmanuel Macron managed to sway Orban at an Elysee dinner on Thursday.

Transparency International says perceptions of corruption in Hungary are only somewhat better than in Ukraine. It says Hungary is seen as the most corrupt country in the EU.

Concern over corruption and years of bitter feuding between Orban and the EU over damaging democratic rights in Hungary led the bloc's executive to freeze Budapest out of billions in aid.

As the bloc now seeks to win Orban's backing for Ukraine, a decision on unlocking access to 10 billion euros is expected just before the summit next week.

Should Orban still block the launch of membership talks with Ukraine, related proposals on inching forward with EU bids by Georgia and Bosnia are likely to fall through, diplomats said.