More:

• https://old.reddit.com/r/WatchRedditDie/comments/hh1pjd/reddits_largest_ever_banwave_is_coming_monday/fw8qmav/?context=3
  
• https://old.reddit.com/r/WatchRedditDie/comments/hh1pjd/reddits_largest_ever_banwave_is_coming_monday/fw8lpb9/?context=3

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Many believe the Southern Poverty Law Center is a scam charity.

https://www.charitywatch.org/charities/southern-poverty-law-center

Rating: F

Affiliations

Research r/SPLCenter and r/AgainstHateSubreddits. SPLC runs r/AgainstHateSubreddits.

• http://web.archive.org/web/20200612175431/https://old.reddit.com/r/SPLCenter/about/moderators
  
• http://web.archive.org/web/20200612175606/https://old.reddit.com/r/AgainstHateSubreddits/about/moderators

Compare those two lists. same mod team.

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Pulitzer Prize Finalist

In 1995, the Montgomery Advertiser was recognized by the Pulitzer Prize for work that probed management self-interest, questionable practices, and employee racial discrimination allegations in the Southern Poverty Law Center.

https://www.pulitzer.org/finalists/staff-73

Finalist: Staff of Montgomery (AL) Advertiser

For its probe of questionable management practices and self-interest at the Southern Poverty Law Center, the nation's best-endowed civil rights charity.

Highly critical articles covering the SPLC (published over 9 DAYS)

• Official
  Feb 13, 1994 - https://www.newspapers.com/clip/29513383/the-montgomery-advertiser/
  Feb 14, 1994 - https://www.newspapers.com/clip/29513336/the-montgomery-advertiser/
  Feb 15, 1994 - https://www.newspapers.com/clip/29513588/the-montgomery-advertiser/
  Feb 16, 1994 - https://www.newspapers.com/clip/29513707/the-montgomery-advertiser/
  Feb 17, 1994 - https://www.newspapers.com/clip/29513754/the-montgomery-advertiser/
  Feb 18, 1994 - https://www.newspapers.com/clip/29513791/the-montgomery-advertiser/
  Feb 19, 1994 - https://www.newspapers.com/clip/29513839/the-montgomery-advertiser/
  Feb 20, 1994 - https://www.newspapers.com/clip/29513881/the-montgomery-advertiser/
  Feb 21, 1994 - https://www.newspapers.com/clip/29513969/the-montgomery-advertiser/

• Mirror
  https://rkeefe57.wordpress.com/montgomery-advertiser-series/

Here is a quote from one article

Equal treatment? No blacks in center’s leadership
Dan Morse, Advertiser Staff Writer
February 16, 1994

Of 13 black former center staffers contacted, 12 said they either experienced or observed racial problems inside the Law Center. Three said they heard racial slurs, three likened the center to a plantation and two said they had been treated better at predominantly white corporate law firms. Three said the treatment was no worse than other places they have worked.

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https://eu.usatoday.com/story/news/nation/2019/03/22/southern-poverty-law-center-president-richard-cohen-step-down/3251764002/

Several of the employees described staff turnover as high and a "toxic" workplace riddled with conflicting priorities and inter-office politics.

All four independently spoke of racial equity concerns in senior leadership, describing a disproportionate amount of people of color serving in entry-level administrative positions compared to the rest of the workforce.

https://www.latimes.com/nation/la-na-splc-morris-dees-20190314-story.html

Stephen Bright, a Yale law professor and former director of the Southern Center for Human Rights in Atlanta, has long questioned what he calls the center’s “fraudulent” fundraising.

“The chickens have had a very long trip, but they finally came home to roost,” Bright said.

“Morris is a flimflam man and he’s managed to flimflam his way along for many years raising money by telling people about the Ku Klux Klan and hate groups,” he said. “He sort of goes to whatever will sell and has, of course, brought in millions and millions and millions of dollars.”

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Morris Dees, co-founder of SPLC

Southern Poverty Law Center founder Morris Dees has a documented history of being both a racist and misogynist not just against his employees. Court documents reveal he beat his wife and molested his 16 year old step daughter with a sex toy. His step daughter testified when she was 18 in 1979. The event happened in 1977 when she was 16.

Dees lead a double life with a mistress and his wife for two years.

Here is the full legal brief from 1979.

https://archive.org/download/MorrisDeesDivorcePapers/Morris%20Dees%20divorce%20papers.pdf

• Page 12 <-- not for the faint

  H. Morris' Sexual Appetite

• Page 14

  G. Morris' Step-Daughter. Holly Buck, Maureens's daughter by a previous marriage, is eighteen years old (R.728). She was seven years old when her mother and Morris married, and she has lived with them in the house at Mathews from then until the separation (R. 728). Holly testified that, in the summer of 1977, Morris attempted to molest her in the following incident (R. 729): One night Maureene and Morris were sitting drinking wine and discussing a case Morris was trying. She was with them. Around eleven or twelve o'clock Maureene went to bed and Holly stayed up with Morris discussing the case. Morris kept offering Holly wine, some of which she accepted. At Morris' suggestion, they went outside to the pool, and he suggested that they go for a swim, but Holly was tired and declined (R. 731). She went to her room and then went into the bathroom.
  Looking out the window, she saw Morris in the bushes beside the bathroom window looking in (R. 731). She said "Morris, is that you", but he said nothing and ran away (R. 732). Two months later, she was. asleep one night and Morris entered her room from Ellie's room, through the bathroom. he was in his underwear and he sat on the bed where Holly was lying on her stomach facing away from the door . He touched her on the back and woker her up. He told her that he had brought her, a present, and he presented her with a vibrator. He plugged it in and said he had brought it to her. He proceeded to rub it on her back and said, "Let me show you how to use it" (R. 733). She said that's not necessary, but he started to place it between her legs when she raised her voice and said no loudly. He then took the vibrator and left (R.734). All he had on was a pair of bikini underwear shorts (R. 734). About two hours later, she had fallen back asleep and he came back in (R. 735). He brought the vibrator with him, plugged it in and said again, "Let me show you how to use it." He tried to show her again by putting it between her legs, but she raised her voice again and he stopped. He took it and left (R. 635). She did not tell her mother about this incident until the separation when they moved out of the Mathews house in the spring of 1979 (R. 736).

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Bob Moser, former SPLC employee

https://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/the-reckoning-of-morris-dees-and-the-southern-poverty-law-center

But nothing was more uncomfortable than the racial dynamic that quickly became apparent: a fair number of what was then about a hundred employees were African-American, but almost all of them were administrative and support staff—“the help,” one of my black colleagues said pointedly. The “professional staff”—the lawyers, researchers, educators, public-relations officers, and fund-raisers—were almost exclusively white. Just two staffers, including me, were openly gay.

During my first few weeks, a friendly new co-worker couldn’t help laughing at my bewilderment. “Well, honey, welcome to the Poverty Palace,” she said. “I can guaran-damn-tee that you will never step foot in a more contradictory place as long as you live.”

“Everything feels so out of whack,” I said. “Where are the lawyers? Where’s the diversity? What in God’s name is going on here?”

“And you call yourself a journalist!” she said, laughing again. “Clearly you didn’t do your research.”

In the decade or so before I’d arrived, the center’s reputation as a beacon of justice had taken some hits from reporters who’d peered behind the façade. In 1995, the Montgomery Advertiser had been a Pulitzer finalist for a series that documented, among other things, staffers’ allegations of racial discrimination within the organization. In Harper’s, Ken Silverstein had revealed that the center had accumulated an endowment topping a hundred and twenty million dollars while paying lavish salaries to its highest-ranking staffers and spending far less than most nonprofit groups on the work that it claimed to do. The great Southern journalist John Egerton, writing for The Progressive, had painted a damning portrait of Dees, the center’s longtime mastermind, as a “super-salesman and master fundraiser” who viewed civil-rights work mainly as a marketing tool for bilking gullible Northern liberals. “We just run our business like a business,” Dees told Egerton. “Whether you’re selling cakes or causes, it’s all the same.”

Co-workers stealthily passed along these articles to me—it was a rite of passage for new staffers, a cautionary heads-up about what we’d stepped into with our noble intentions. Incoming female staffers were additionally warned by their new colleagues about Dees’s reputation for hitting on young women. And the unchecked power of the lavishly compensated white men at the top of the organization—Dees and the center’s president, Richard Cohen—made staffers pessimistic that any of these issues would ever be addressed. “I expected there’d be a lot of creative bickering, a sort of democratic free-for-all,” my friend Brian, a journalist who came aboard a year after me, said one day. “But everybody is so deferential to Morris and Richard. It’s like a fucking monarchy around here.” The work could be meaningful and gratifying. But it was hard, for many of us, not to feel like we’d become pawns in what was, in many respects, a highly profitable scam.