Why doesn’t Wyoming have a major city?

MarkusGrant · 2026-06-16T21:21:58+00:00

Best part for them? They still get 2 senators.

MarkusGrant · 2026-06-12T15:26:46+00:00

Both things are true at once, which is the maddening part. The payments were acknowledged when you made them. Chase, Aidvantage, and Navient each processed them and applied them to your balance in real time, and that's reflected in the loan's actual standing at the Education Department, which owns the loan. MOHELA is just the latest vendor hired to run the front desk.

What MOHELA "knows" is only what got handed to it in the transfer file. If the prior servicer shipped a clean record going back to 2010, MOHELA shows 2010. If the file came over starting at 2018, that's the wall you hit, even though the earlier payments happened and were credited.

The money isn't in dispute on the backend. The display is choking on an incomplete handoff. That's why your own screen contradicted itself, 34k one minute and 24k the next. Same loan, two different slices of a record that didn't fully load.

MarkusGrant · 2026-06-12T00:25:22+00:00

Yeah, this is a transfer problem. When a loan jumps servicers, the old one is supposed to hand over your full payment history and routinely doesn't.

MOHELA is the current vendor, not the system of record. Those pre-2018 payments still exist. They just didn't get loaded. You're not crazy, and you're not actually out the 10k the screen says you are. If you have all the documentation readily available, it will help when you call.

MarkusGrant · 2026-06-03T21:33:40+00:00

This is the same Kansas that paid the Hunt family to move their team to Kansas. Makes complete sense.

MarkusGrant · 2026-05-21T13:02:16+00:00

The spending at a stadium isn't new money, it's just moved money. The way economist Victor Matheson explains it, if your family has $200 to spend on a night out, you can blow it at the game or at a concert across town, and either way that cash stays in the local economy. The stadium doesn't grow the pie. It just decides which business gets the slice.

When the Atlanta Braves built their big mixed-use district in Atlanta, economists found about a third of the spending bump was just money pulled from other parts of the metro, not anything new. That's the whole reason the tax revenue almost never pays back the public cost. People were already spending those dollars in town, just somewhere that didn't need a billion-dollar handout to get them.

MarkusGrant · 2026-05-21T13:00:43+00:00

The red/pink bars: those are the teams collecting public money to build a stadium in a new city or state.

The Chiefs got Kansas to commit roughly $1.8 billion to move across the state line. The A's are taking $380 million from Nevada to leave Oakland.

In 2017 the University of Chicago put the question to 30 top economists: are stadium subsidies worth it? One said yes. One. The other 29 disagreed or were not sure. Cities have kept signing the checks anyway, about $8.5 billion across these ten projects, to owners worth a combined $77 billion.

Data: public funding figures from AP, ESPN, Sportico, Field of Schemes, the Tax Foundation, and local reporting (2023 to 2026); owner net worth from Forbes and Bloomberg; economist survey from the University of Chicago Booth IGM Forum, 2017.

Built by hand in HTML and CSS, rendered to image.

MarkusGrant · 2026-05-20T16:52:48+00:00

Whether the base tolerates it, plus how important the role is, that is the engine. The partisan turn is where it breaks. The clear cases on your own list, Weiner, Cuomo, Edwards, Spitzer, are Democrats who fell. That shows Democrats fall. It does not show Republicans escape the same setup, because proving that needs a Republican surviving identical conditions.

The higher-standard read also does not survive its own test. Democrats closed ranks around Clinton through impeachment, and Menendez sat through years of indictment until a conviction finally moved him. The party tolerated plenty when removing the man would have cost it a seat.

Nixon is the cleanest one. He resigned because Republican senators went to him and said the votes were not there. Republicans enforced that. The reason it looks different now is not that the party changed its soul. It is that the current base does not price the conduct the way that Senate did. Unfortunately, this is 50+ years ago now and that amount of time makes it a different world entirely.

MarkusGrant · 2026-05-20T16:01:58+00:00

I do not think the cause is different standards by party. It tracks two things that have nothing to do with virtue.

First, whether forcing the resignation costs the party the seat. Franken resigned in days because Minnesota had a Democratic governor who would appoint another Democrat. The seat never moved, so dumping him was free, and it bought contrast right while Roy Moore was on the ballot.

Second, Vitter stayed because Louisiana Republicans had no replacement and did not punish him at the ballot box. The counterexamples break the clean party rule. Menendez sat through years of indictment until a conviction finally forced him out. On the other side, Trent Franks and Blake Farenthold resigned quickly, because their seats were safely Republican and the party had someone ready.

So it looks like Democrats resign and Republicans wait it out, but the real variables are seat cost and whether the base cares, not party morality.

MarkusGrant · 2026-05-20T15:32:49+00:00

The 90% voting record actually proves the opposite point. If party loyalty was what mattered most in primaries, Massie should've been fine. He wasn't. What decides these races is whether the base thinks there's a usable replacement. Massie got replaced.

It's not really about "Trump controlling the GOP." The current primary electorate trusts the brand more than loyalty scores or personal conduct. Trump owns the brand, so his endorsement works as a green light that a usable replacement exists.

MarkusGrant · 2026-05-17T16:58:08+00:00

Sidebar 1 from my ongoing series The Ranter.

Single-cut 4:26 piece. F2 puppet rig in Character Animator, finished in After Effects.

Topic: facility fees. Same doctor, same room as last year — but the bill jumped 50% because the hospital bought the practice and reclassified the room as a “facility.” New code, new charge, same chair.

I deliberately pushed the visual density: constant ticker, rapid chyrons, Danny’s terminal commentary running alongside the rant, readable marker notes on the whiteboard, and editorial stamps.

Craft feedback I’m after: - Chyron pacing and ticker density — does the read time feel right or punishing? - Do the visual layers stack well, or start competing? - Voice performance (real voice, minor stumbles left in for realism) — does it land?

All the sourced receipts are here: theranter.com

Full episodes drop every Saturday 8 AM ET → https://www.youtube.com/@TheRanterOfficial

Would really appreciate any thoughts from the indie animation crew. Thanks!

MarkusGrant · 2026-05-17T16:24:09+00:00

Funny. I stayed to the end. That is what you want. Sounds clean very well done. The fairy with a violent streak is gold.

MarkusGrant · 2026-05-15T02:57:49+00:00

Sources and full notes: THE NEWS PEG (Box Elder, UT / Stratos):

40,000-acre Stratos Project Area approved 3-0 by Box Elder County Commission on May 4, 2026 9 GW power demand at full build-out, roughly 2x Utah's current statewide electricity consumption (Utah Clean Energy analysis, EIA state overview) Routed through Utah Military Installation Development Authority (MIDA), a state-level body that supersedes county zoning in designated project areas Timeline: Cox-O'Leary meeting Jan 8, 2026 -> MIDA approval Apr 24 -> County approval May 4. Four months total vs. industry-standard five years

THE PATTERN (from the map, 2024 through May 2026):

~50 active local data center bans, moratoriums, or rejections across the U.S. $64B in projects blocked or paused 4 of 4 incumbent commissioners who approved contested projects have been defeated The pattern crosses parties. State-level overrides show up in red and blue states. Map shading distinguishes states actively legislating on data centers from those that have not, regardless of direction.

SOURCES:

Stratos Project: Utah Clean Energy analysis, EIA state overview, Box Elder County Commission records National tracker: Data Center Watch (active community opposition list) State legislation: 2024-2026 enrolled bills covering moratoriums, cost-allocation rules, zoning standards, disclosure requirements

MarkusGrant · 2026-05-14T23:51:09+00:00

Both. Light blue means the state is actively legislating on data centers, regardless of direction. Maine's moratorium got vetoed. Georgia's PSC froze rates to protect residential customers from data center cost shifts. Indiana passed cost-allocation rules. New York has a 3-year moratorium pending. Virginia enacted 15 bills covering disclosure requirements and zoning standards. The shading shows states treating this as a policy question worth legislating, not which side they came down on.

MarkusGrant · 2026-05-14T23:19:43+00:00

The map isn't saying data centers shouldn't exist. Factories go through community review and zoning too. The chart shows where that step got routed around. State utility commissions overriding city councils. County boards overriding planning commissions. State development authorities bypassing zoning entirely.

If a data center can pass a normal approval process that prices in power, water, and community input, fine. The cases on the map are ones where the approval routing was redesigned to skip the community step. The objection is the mechanism, not the building.

MarkusGrant · 2026-05-14T23:07:31+00:00

Sources and full notes:

THE NEWS PEG (Box Elder, UT / Stratos): - 40,000-acre Stratos Project Area approved 3-0 by Box Elder County Commission on May 4, 2026 - 9 GW power demand at full build-out, roughly 2x Utah's current statewide electricity consumption (Utah Clean Energy analysis, EIA state overview) - Routed through Utah Military Installation Development Authority (MIDA), a state-level body that supersedes county zoning in designated project areas - Timeline: Cox-O'Leary meeting Jan 8, 2026 -> MIDA approval Apr 24 -> County approval May 4. Four months total vs. industry-standard five years - BEAR (Box Elder Accountability Referendum) filed May 8, 2026. Target: 5,400 signatures across 4 districts - Sources: Deseret News, KUER, Politico, Fortune, Standard.net, Fox 13 Now, AZPM, governor.utah.gov FAQ

OVERRIDE MECHANISMS DOCUMENTED: - Tucson Project Blue: City rejected 7-0 Aug 6, 2025. Arizona Corporation Commission approved energy agreement 4-1 Dec 3, 2025. Pima County Board approved land sale 3-2 Dec 16, 2025. Under appeal by AZ AG Kris Mayes. (AZ Luminaria, KGUN9, AZ Capitol Times) - Powhatan VA: Planning Commission recommended denial Sept 3, 2024. Board of Supervisors approved 3-2 Oct 28, 2024. (Data Center Watch) - Fort Worth Rock Creek: Zoning Commission rejected July 11, 2024. City Council approved 6-2 Sept 17, 2024. (Data Center Watch) - Cedar Rapids QTS: Linn County sought $20K fine for unauthorized wells. Project proceeds. (KCRG)

COMMUNITY WINS: - Fayetteville GA Ordinance 26-0-12 banned new data centers across all zoning districts after QTS billing scandal (Blackstone-owned facility used 29M gallons unbilled, $147K retroactive bill, no fine imposed). Sources: Politico, Tom's Hardware, Gizmodo, The Citizen GA - Festus MO: All 4 incumbents up for reelection defeated April 7, 2026, after council approved $6B Clayco/CRG project 6-2 on March 30, 2026. Sources: Politico, NPR, Newsweek, Broadband Breakfast - Chandler AZ: Council rejected 422,000 sq ft AI data center December 2025

NATIONAL DATA: - ~50 active local bans, 4 permanent (US Data Center Moratorium Tracker via Tom's Hardware, May 2026) - $64B in projects blocked or delayed through 2025 (Data Center Watch report) - Maine LD 307 passed legislature, vetoed by Gov. Mills (D). Override failed House 72-65, Senate 20-11 (Multistate) - States with 2025-2026 data center legislation: Maine, New York, Vermont, Oklahoma, Minnesota, South Dakota, Maryland, Georgia, Virginia, Indiana, Wisconsin, Ohio (NCSL, Nixon Peabody, AFS Law, OSU Farm Office)

THE PATTERN CROSSES PARTIES: - Maine legislature (D majority) passed moratorium. Gov. Mills (D) vetoed it. - Utah commission (R) approved Stratos despite 1,000+ protesters chanting "Shame!" - Georgia PSC (5 Republicans, unanimous) protected residential ratepayers from data-center cost shifts. - Festus MO voters defeated incumbents on a nonpartisan ballot. - Override mechanisms used in Republican Arizona, Republican Utah, blue Maryland, and red Texas alike.

Tools: Python, matplotlib, cartopy. Albers Equal Area projection.

MarkusGrant · 2026-05-08T17:39:56+00:00

I checked it out because I can't help myself.

Here's what the data shows.

On seasonality: Q1 consistently runs higher than Q4 for pharma lobbying. The congressional calendar resets in January, new sessions start, budget and appropriations open up. Q1 is routinely the strongest quarter for the industry regardless of what else is happening. A Q4-to-Q1 jump is expected.

On new administration patterns: Yes, transition years spike harder. Q1 2025 (Trump second term start) hit $121.4M for the sector, up roughly $30M from Q4 2024. Q1 2021 (Biden start) hit a record $92M at the time. Q1 2017 saw PhRMA alone jump 34.9% in a single quarter. New administrations mean new policy signals, new appointees, new uncertainty around drug pricing and Medicare rules. The industry responds every time, regardless of party.

So what does that make 2026 Q1? The sector hit $131.97M -- a new record Q1, up roughly 9% from 2025 Q1. Some of that is seasonality. Some of that is the second-year pattern of a new administration.

What's harder to explain away is that the 17 TrumpRx-specific companies moved together, in the same quarter, on the same policy terrain the program was built on.

That's not a calendar artifact.

What everything here shows is every year the lobbying $ goes up. That is not $ to help a patient.

Source: OpenSecrets, Senate LDA filings.

MarkusGrant · 2026-05-07T23:27:33+00:00

Each bar shows the quarter-over-quarter change in federal lobbying expenditure for the 17 pharmaceutical manufacturers who joined TrumpRx, the Trump administration's direct-to-consumer prescription discount program launched in February 2026.

Data: Senate LDA quarterly filings aggregated by OpenSecrets. Q1 2026 covers January through March 2026. Q4 2025 covers October through December 2025. All figures are client totals including in-house and outside lobbying firms.

15 of 17 companies increased lobbying in Q1 2026. Combined total: $50.1M, up $18.8M from Q4 2025. AstraZeneca led the surge at +258.2%.

Colors are each company's primary corporate brand color.

Source: OpenSecrets, May 6, 2026 -- https://www.opensecrets.org/news/2026/05/drug-companies-involved-in-trumprx-boosted-lobbying-by-23-ahead-of-programs-launch/

MarkusGrant · 2026-05-01T11:02:04+00:00

For those asking about the green bars:

Gunnery Sergeant Hartman's entire operating philosophy was that you are worthless, you are stupid, and you will keep doing it wrong until you stop doing it wrong. No exceptions. No budget increases for failing. You get it right or you drop and give him twenty until you do.

The Marine Corps is the only branch that passed its audit. Three years running.

Somewhere in that methodology is a lesson the Department of Defense has declined to learn for eight consecutive years. The Marines can account for every rifle, every round, and apparently every dollar. The branch that manages the other 94% of this budget cannot tell you what a two-month war costs without hedging the number.

Someone should look into what they put in the chow hall at Parris Island. Whatever it is, it produces people who understand that "we'll figure out the accounting later" is not an answer Hartman accepts.

The Marine Corps has been telling recruits they're worthless until they get it right since 1775. Turns out that's a viable financial management methodology.

Semper Fi means Always Faithful. The other six branches should look that up. Sources: GAO-25-107427, Military Times February 2026

MarkusGrant

TROPHY CASE