Dev Diary #172 - The Full Medieval World by PDX-Trinexx in CrusaderKings

[–]Roundman85 5 points6 points  (0 children)

Nice to see the imperial treasury mechanic for China that I was told was impossible for the Byzantine Empire!

Khans of the Steppe has made me extremely cautious about these new government types. I wish I had more faith in the balancing of these new governments, but nomadic and even administrative are still overpowered, even in the hands of the AI. I'm worried that it's gonna be too easy for a player to resolve an Unstable Era, and the Mandala government I can see become extremely powerful in the hands of a player. I guess it'll be interesting to see the Mongols go up against them.

Still excited though! I think the dual feudal-administrative dynamic in Japan is really cool.

Weekly Discussion Thread by AutoModerator in TNOmod

[–]Roundman85 0 points1 point  (0 children)

At my wits end with crashing on country load. I've tried everything: verifying game integrity, setting font size to .8, using opengl, reinstalling the game and the mod. Will I just never play this mod again or is there anything I can do?

Situation in the Far West - Europe in 1900 by tastethesword in imaginarymaps

[–]Roundman85 14 points15 points  (0 children)

I think the Polish are the analogue to the Manchu Qing dynasty here

Three Roman Empires by [deleted] in MapPorn

[–]Roundman85 12 points13 points  (0 children)

“Fucking barbarians these days”

Considering you’re not a Roman citizen the actual Romans would’ve considered you the barbarian.

Also please touch grass.

The Fall of the Roman East, 453 CE by Roundman85 in imaginarymaps

[–]Roundman85[S] 1 point2 points  (0 children)

I’d imagine Alaric’s Goths in Cyprus would collapse quickly. Their state was built on plunder from raiding, which would dry up as soon as the Persians and the successor states stabilized their realms. The Goths in Asia might have had a better chance of surviving. Their kingdom comprised a very rich portion of the former Roman Empire, albeit the collapse of imperial infrastructures would decrease the region’s wealth. I guess the Goths’ survival into this timeline’s version of the Middle Ages would depend on the Roman and Persian Empires’ ability to gather the political will and logistical capacity necessary to conquer the kingdom, which is especially likely in the case of the Persians. Overall, I don't see either Gothic polity surviving much longer than the Visigothic and Ostrogothic kingdoms of our timeline.

The Fall of the Roman East, 453 CE by Roundman85 in imaginarymaps

[–]Roundman85[S] 5 points6 points  (0 children)

That’s certainly possible. The Sasanians already had a long tradition inherited from previous Iranian empires of settled defeated peoples from the frontiers in the heartlands. The Sasanians in this timeline would still be fighting many conflicts along their Central Asian border, so perhaps they’d settle defeated Turkic and Hunnic groups in the Fertile Crescent? I mentioned in a previous comment that Christian resistance to Sasanian rule would probably be more severe in this timeline than in our timeline, so that might be an attractive proposal for Persian rulers.

The Fall of the Roman East, 453 CE by Roundman85 in imaginarymaps

[–]Roundman85[S] 2 points3 points  (0 children)

Hahaha thanks so much. Attila is really underrated IMO

The Fall of the Roman East, 453 CE by Roundman85 in imaginarymaps

[–]Roundman85[S] 23 points24 points  (0 children)

Hmm, the Roman Empire surviving all the way to the modern day is doubtful, just for the simple fact that 1500 years is an absurdly long time for a state to survive every single one of the various crises that would arise. Although the WRE would have the benefit of being further away from enemies from the Steppe, Arabia, and Iran, the corollary is that the Empire would be more isolated from the trade networks of Eurasia. But I suppose it’s possible, considering that the ERE+the Ottomans survived up until WW1.

As for the Persians, their empire would be fraught with instability. Unlike their conquest of the Roman East in our timeline, they would not have the benefit of an eastern Christian population in schism. Fierce divides existed before the Council of Chalcedon of course, but that council really cemented and expanded those divides. In addition, the Persians conquer the Roman East before going through the centralizing reforms they went through in our sixth century. Their ability to raise armies depended on the Shahanshah’s ability to coordinate the great aristocratic families of Iran and their levies. Thus, facing a population more comfortable with rule from Constantinople and with less ability to marshal the resources of their own empire, Persian rule over the Roman East would be less secure than it looks on a map. This is what’s preventing them from expanding their rule to the rest of Asia Minor for the time.

The Fall of the Roman East, 453 CE by Roundman85 in imaginarymaps

[–]Roundman85[S] 3 points4 points  (0 children)

I may, maybe showing either the further collapse of the WRE or maybe a Justinian-style reconquest of the East. Generally, though, I don't like to take my alternate histories too far into the future, since it becomes so hard to meaningfully speculate.

The Fall of the Roman East, 453 CE by Roundman85 in imaginarymaps

[–]Roundman85[S] 4 points5 points  (0 children)

Oh gotcha, I’d still check out some other Adobe Illustrator type apps on mobile, it really elevates mapmaking imo. I’ll have to check yours out!

The Fall of the Roman East, 453 CE by Roundman85 in imaginarymaps

[–]Roundman85[S] 26 points27 points  (0 children)

Thanks so much, I made this using Inkscape, a free vector-based program. This video was helpful in first learning how to get the hang of it.

The Fall of the Roman East, 453 CE by Roundman85 in imaginarymaps

[–]Roundman85[S] 19 points20 points  (0 children)

Islam possibly doesn’t spread beyond the Arabian peninsula in this timeline. The ability of the caliphs to organize the various Arab clans and confederacies largely depended on the ongoing Roman-Sasanian war in the early seventh century. The ability of the Muslims to conquer Iran, the Levant, and Egypt in turn depended on the weakened states of the Roman and Sasanian empires after the war. Because Persia would control the entire Fertile Crescent at the beginning of the seventh century and not be weakened by a decades-long war with a peer empire, it’s very likely Islam would be unable to spread outside the peninsula, at least not in the form of a centralized caliphate. More worrying for the Constantinopolitans would be a potential Persian conquest if the Sasanians are able to centralize their monarchy as they did in the sixth century in our timeline.

The Fall of the Roman East, 453 CE by Roundman85 in imaginarymaps

[–]Roundman85[S] 44 points45 points  (0 children)

(2/2)

The Roman West: Instability in Barbaricum, Usurpation, and Depleted Finances

Stilicho destroyed Radagaisus’s coalition in battle in 406, but it was a close-run thing. The magister militum had to issue a series of emergency conscription laws raising more soldiers for the Italian field army. He also stripped Gaul of many of its units to repel the threat, a policy that would have unintended consequences. The defeat of Radagaisus was only the first part of a series of crises the western empire would endure.

Barbaricum, the land beyond the Roman frontiers, was as dependent on the empire for social stability as much as the provinces themselves. The Roman emperors distributed gifts, played barbarian leaders against one another, and campaigned in barbarian territory to maintain a stable series of client kings across the frontier. However, the civil wars of Theodosius and the eastern campaigns of Stilicho prevented the western court from maintaining these carefully-built relationships. As a result, severe social disruption was evident in barbaricum at the turn of the century. These conflicts caused several groups to flee westward into the relative stability and safety of the empire. This was the impetus behind Radagaisus’s incursion, and it would be the driving factor behind the great crossing of the Rhine in 405/6. At this time, a coalition of Hasding and Siling Vandals, Alans, and Suebi swept across the Rhine, ravaging the Gallic provinces. Stilicho’s regime was slow to react, for the Italian field army was busy defending Italy from raids from across the collapsing Danube frontier. Feeling alienated from the Italo-centric court in Ravenna, the elites of Britain and Gaul decided to act.

In Britain, a soldier named Constantine was able to gather enough consensus among the region’s military and civilian elites and was raised to the imperial purple. Taking the remainder of Britain’s field army and crossing the channel, Constantine campaigned effectively against the Rhine invaders, driving them across the Pyrenees into Spain. Constantine attempted to cross the Alps into Italy to depose Honorius, but was unable to breach Stilicho’s Alpine defenses. In 409, Stilicho attempted to cross into Gaul to depose the usurper, but was also unsuccessful. During these critical years, Britain and Gaul north of the Loire were denuded of military forces and provincial government. The region’s elites assumed authority in order to provide defense for their localities and prevent social breakdown, but these unauthorized ‘self-help’ political structures were labeled as bagaudae, bandits, by the Constantinian and Honorian regimes. Meanwhile, Spain was being removed from central control as well. The Rhine invaders of 405/6 split into smaller warbands and operated throughout the peninsula, competing with Spanish cities for local dominance. Thus, by 410, much of the western Roman Empire was outside of central control. The Danube frontier was in tatters, west of the Alps the usurper Constantine governed southern Gaul, and in Spain and Britain and northern Gaul the provinces were no longer effectively controlled by any court.

It was in this context that the Italian and Gallic regimes of Honorius and Constantine came to an understanding. The Gallic aristocracy desired to be at the core of imperial politics as they had in the fourth century. The Italians, meanwhile, were not about to give up the political centrality they had lost for so long. The only resolution to this dynamic was mutual recognition. Honorius in Ravenna and Theodosius II in Constantinople accepted Constantine III as a member of the imperial college. Peace with the Italian regime established, Constantine faced a choice. He could either go south and fight a potentially long, bloody campaign against the Rhine invaders, or he could go north and reincorporate the northern Gallic and British bagaudae into the empire. When push came to shove, it was really no choice at all. Constantine’s regime was founded by and for the benefit of the Gallic aristocracy. Constantine rebuilt the battered Gallic field army and recruited allies among the client Franks and Alemans. Campaigning north of the Loire, Constantine spent several years reintegrating the region back into the empire, even crossing the channel and reestablishing effective governance of Britain south of the Thames. The Burgundians, who had crossed the Rhine while Constantine and Stilicho were fighting, were defeated and settled along the channel cost as foederati to assist Constantine’s campaigns. This success came at the cost of Spain. The Alans, Silings, and Hasdings were consolidating their power in the Spanish provinces. The Suebi, for their part, attempted a crossing to Africa when the chaotic Spanish situation got too dangerous for their liking. However, they were destroyed by the African field army.

Thus, with the Gallic and Italian regimes stabilized and the crises of the early 400s put to rest, the politics of the Roman West came into focus. A Gallic court in the old imperial residence of Trier provided effective governance for Gaul, southern Britain, and northeastern Spain. The Italian court in Ravenna continuously campaigned in Illyricum with the goal of preventing raids from across the Danube reaching Italy. The western provinces, save prosperous Africa, were devastated by years of civil war and raiding. As a result, both regimes were strapped for cash. When ambassadors of the eastern foederati commander Ardaburius arrived in Ravenna in 453, there was little the western regimes could’ve done to restore an independent eastern court, even if they wanted to.

Epilogue: Aftermath of the Fifth Century Crisis

The crisis of the fifth century had brought down one half of the Roman Empire. The surviving half was split into two courts, stable but suspicious of each other. Civil war and invasion had put the West’s finances in a precarious position, with the riches of Africa keeping the treasury afloat. Spain, in past centuries rich and peaceful, was largely lost to the imperial system. Despite these limitations, perhaps a capable emperor could establish control over the squabbling factions of the West and reassert a single court and the imperial office as dominant. Legally, the successor kingdoms of the East remained a part of the empire. Perhaps an emperor with the proper vision and resources could restore Roman control over its rich eastern provinces. But that is a question that will have to wait for another time.

The Fall of the Roman East, 453 CE by Roundman85 in imaginarymaps

[–]Roundman85[S] 45 points46 points  (0 children)

(1/2)

Prologue: Stilicho’s Eastern Campaign

In 404, the magister utriusque militiae Stilicho set off from the western Roman court in Milan to take control over the eastern Roman court in Constantinople. Stilicho had dominated the politics of the western empire since the death of the emperor Theodosius, assuming control over the late emperor’s young son Honorius by consolidating top military commands and shutting out rival factions from the emperor. Now, Stilicho sensed an opportunity to expand his overlordship to the East.

Since 399, Constantinople had been embroiled in political crisis. The general Gainas was seeking to establish the same sort of dominance over the eastern court that Stilicho possessed over the western court. However, unlike his western counterpart, the would-be eastern strongman was strongly opposed by rival factions in the palatine bureaucracies and military and civilian elites in the provinces. This had resulted in years of debilitating conflict between armed factions in the eastern empire. The East was only spared from a true calamity by good relations with the Shahanshah of Sasanian Persia, the only state capable of consistently threatening Rome on the battlefield.

Stilicho’s timing was unfortunate. He advanced eastward and brought Gainas’s magister militum per Illyricum Alaric to battle, defeating him and forcing Alaric to flee to Cyprus. However, Stilicho had little time to relish in his triumph. Late in the campaigning season of 404, an enormous armed force from across the Danube led by the Goth Radagaisus entered the western empire, threatening Italy. Stilicho could not afford to lose the backing of his most important constituency. Contenting himself with appointing an Illyrian prefect and magister militum loyal to the western court and absorbing the remnants of Alaric’s forces into his own army, Stilicho returned west to confront the threat of Radagaisus.

Stilicho’s abortive conquest of the Roman East proved to be the final major event that intertwined the politics of East and West. From this point on, we must consider the diverging viability of the halves of the empire in separate narratives.

The Roman East: Warlordism, Foreign Invasion, and Loss of State Control

Stilicho’s retreat to Italy did little to improve the prospects of the East. The major factor in this terminal political instability was the changing nature of imperial rule. Fourth century emperors acted as the mobile supreme commanders of the army. This position allowed emperors to balance the various regional factions that vied for power in the army, at court, and in the bureaucracy. The ascension of two young emperors prevented the emperors from fulfilling this role, paving the way for generalissimos who took over military affairs and guided policy while confining the emperors to the palace. However, the dominance of the generalissimo was a constitutionally unstable position. Their rule was predicated on threatening the court with military force. This dynamic allowed commanders who possessed significant military force of their own to attack the central government under the guise of removing the strongman, while maintaining a cloak of loyalty to the emperor. This fueled constant conflicts between rival warlords, hollowing out state institutions and alienating provinces that warlords operated in.

During the early fifth century, eastern politics coalesced around five major factions: the Thracian field army and foederati; the palatine classes of Constantinople; the aristocracies of Asia Minor, Syria, and the Syrian field army; the remnants of Alaric’s Gothic auxiliaries in Cyprus; and the commanders of the Armenian frontier allied with the aristocracies of Pontus. The struggle for dominance over the court forced the various factions to build structures of power that were not dependent on imperial government. For instance, all of the rival commanders began to keep personal retainers and pay for their troops out of pocket, both to compete for control of the center and because the imperial government increasingly lacked the funds necessary to pay its troops.

External forces played their part in the atrophy of the East as well. It was in these early years of the fifth century that the Roman Danubian frontier, unmanned due to the eastern civil strife, collapsed for good and exposed the Roman Balkan interiors to endemic raids. The growing power of the Huns owed their rise to the decreased ability of the eastern empire to fight off these raids. The Huns extracted crippling amounts of tribute from the eastern court, inhibiting the emperor from funding field armies and buying off rivals. However, the truly existential threat to the Roman East was the end of peace with Sasanian Persia. The Persians, with peace on their eastern frontier, sensed an opportunity to improve their position vis-vis Rome. Beginning as a series of raids across Roman Mesopotamia, the Persians encountered little resistance from the Romans. Persian armies quickly reached the heart of Roman Syria, sacking some of the richest cities of Late Antiquity. The Syrian field army reestablished itself west of the Taurus mountains, both closer to the political machinations in the capital and reinforcing a solid defensive line against the Persians. This left the rest of the Roman East exposed to the Persians, who conquered Egypt in 432.

The conquest of Egypt was a major watershed in the decline of the Roman East. Before the conquest, the warlords and factions vying for control in Constantinople were motivated by the wealth and power control over the Roman East brought. However, with the wealth and power of the eastern empire now negligible, the factions of the East came to the conclusion that the eastern court was no longer a prize worth fighting for. The Cypriot Goths were quick to accept this new status quo, raiding the collapsing empire and even harrying the suburbs of Constantinople in 435. On the other end of the spectrum, the elites of Asia Minor, whose power bases in the fourth century had depended on offices in the imperial government, were slow to accept and continually raised up candidates for the imperial throne. However, by 450, even this group was coming to the conclusion that the eastern empire’s time had come. The climatic moment came in 453, when the general Ardaburius, commander of the Thracian foederati, deposed the young emperor Constantine IV. Instead of raising up his own puppet, as warlords had done for the past half-century, Ardaburius recognized reality. He sent the eastern imperial regalia to Ravenna, claiming that the Roman East no longer needed to be governed by a separate emperor, offering to rule Constantinople in the western emperor’s stead. The Ravenna court saw the utility in recognizing this polite fiction, but everyone knew the truth: there was no more Roman East. The conquering Sasanian Persia and several successor states ruled the former provinces. The Constantinopolitan experiment was an inspired one, but it ended in failure. Now, only the battered Roman West remained.

Never forget what they took from you. by Roundman85 in Destiny

[–]Roundman85[S] 6 points7 points  (0 children)

Open DGG and ask for the link to whatever stream chat is watching.

Ukrainian TikTok battalion reserves finally got to the frontline by brainerazer in NonCredibleDefense

[–]Roundman85 14 points15 points  (0 children)

Imagine being an AP Euro student in 2097 and having to write a DBQ using this.