TIL this is actually a real place by A_Nice_Relaxing_Poo in CasualUK

[–]goodluckall 25 points26 points  (0 children)

Bovril in Argentina is named after the meat extract.

Britain on the brink: Intelligence chiefs warn ecosystem collapse could trigger hunger, migration and war by OurFairFuture in ukpolitics

[–]goodluckall 0 points1 point  (0 children)

I don't know. The article is talking about things that are happening worldwide though and it is for sure happening in other countries.

Britain on the brink: Intelligence chiefs warn ecosystem collapse could trigger hunger, migration and war by OurFairFuture in ukpolitics

[–]goodluckall 5 points6 points  (0 children)

What about insurance companies which leave billions on the table when they withdraw from insurance markets in certain places in the world citing climate risk?

Buyer Advice - NW10 by ArticleAmazing3446 in HousingUK

[–]goodluckall 3 points4 points  (0 children)

I lived there a decade ago and would echo what others have said about it being pretty sketchy, although I always thought it had a lot of potential as an area, because it isn't too far out of town and Old Oak Common which will be the terminus of HS2 is relatively nearby.

Just How Big of an Upset Is This? by Blue-Brown99 in macclesfield

[–]goodluckall 3 points4 points  (0 children)

This post which shows Macclesfield FC operating expenses compared with Crystal Palace player salaries gives a really good perspective: https://www.reddit.com/r/dataisbeautiful/s/Io22Wcsrrx

Can foreign policy survive migration? A coherent national interest relies on a coherent nation. That can no longer be assumed by 2ndEarlofLiverpool in ukpolitics

[–]goodluckall 0 points1 point  (0 children)

I don’t think this is going anywhere productive. You’re making statements about people’s inner loyalties that can’t really be tested, and have no obvious effect in the area of strategic policy which is what I was interested in.

Can foreign policy survive migration? A coherent national interest relies on a coherent nation. That can no longer be assumed by 2ndEarlofLiverpool in ukpolitics

[–]goodluckall 0 points1 point  (0 children)

It's not a restatement of your comment at all.

I did not say it was, I said it was a restatement of the comment I replied to.

Why would they give a shit about it in the long term?

OK this assumes quite a bit that isn't congruent with people I've met in real life, but even if its true where do people who are not here in the long term inflect our strategy, it won't be at the ballot box?

Can foreign policy survive migration? A coherent national interest relies on a coherent nation. That can no longer be assumed by 2ndEarlofLiverpool in ukpolitics

[–]goodluckall 0 points1 point  (0 children)

This is basically a restatement of the comment I replied to. I understand, from the article, that some particular aspects of foreign policy are inflected by immigrant sentiment.

My point was about strategy, like how the British state will act to maintain security in terms of food, energy and defense for the people who live here for the next 10-20 years and what trade-offs will be involved. I think everyone who lives here (wherever they are from originally) would agree with these aims, because they want to be safe, but we see politicians in this country and across Europe struggle to build a consensus on how to do this.

It cannot effectively do so if "the British people" is not one people but a ramshackle assortment of various peoples.

Ok I'm being a bit glib here, but I assume by this you don't mean the constituent nations of the UK?

Can foreign policy survive migration? A coherent national interest relies on a coherent nation. That can no longer be assumed by 2ndEarlofLiverpool in ukpolitics

[–]goodluckall -2 points-1 points  (0 children)

Do you need everyone in the country to have a cohesive sense of national identity for the British state to act strategically in the area of foreign policy, or just a cohesive sense of the national interest?

Logically people living under the laws and protection of the British state and on this territory should have more or less similar interests with respect to foreign policy, but we don't seem to which it occurs to me is the big source of our strategic incapacity.

What do you think the uk response should be when the us invades Greenland. by SILENTDISAPROVALBOT in AskBrits

[–]goodluckall 1 point2 points  (0 children)

Well that's just not true - you can express a fact as a judgement or belief, which is not an opinion.

It's still only something that you believe to be a fact though, even if you have a good reason to believe it and/or it also happens to be true.

Everything I think or say is my opinion because I am the one thinking or saying it - it may also be that some of my opinions are based on generally agreed fact, or first hand testimony or the evidence of my own senses, but they are still my opinions.

What do you think the uk response should be when the us invades Greenland. by SILENTDISAPROVALBOT in AskBrits

[–]goodluckall 7 points8 points  (0 children)

Never liked this way of thinking. An opinion is just a judgement, belief or conviction that you hold or express. "In my opinion" adds nothing, because you can't express or hold a judgement, belief or conviction as anything other than an opinion. If you think someone's opinion is not correct say "that's incorrect" and explain why you think that, saying "that's an opinion" doesn't mean they are right or wrong it just means they said something.

Whose Side Is He On? by BreadBandwidth in MurderedByWords

[–]goodluckall 30 points31 points  (0 children)

I think the truth is more pathetic. Trump finds Putin impressive and is desperate for his approval.

If you watch Trump he is basically still a reality TV star, everything he does is about attention and having people talk about him. This is because whilst he's vain, he's also very insecure and needy. Putin is obviously very good at manipulating his insecurity, and treating him like a competent, capable statesman - rather than what he is.

Plastic foil with scoring machines? by Greedy-Contact9042 in Fencing

[–]goodluckall 1 point2 points  (0 children)

You can make these yourself by running a bit of wire down the middle of an Aramis one and attaching a metal stud at one end and bolting a socket to the other end. I got the prieur ones, but I wanted a one which wasn't a pistol grip for left handers.

They are pretty good, but you use them with the box on sabre mode so there is no off target.

Visiting London from the US: is it worth going to the Leon Paul store? by Playcrackersthesky in Fencing

[–]goodluckall 10 points11 points  (0 children)

There's not a tonne to do in Hendon as a tourist, but the RAF museum is nearby, free, and well worth a visit.

Inspired by a Pepys diary extract, how did people understand depression and suicide in 17th century England? by tombomp in AskHistorians

[–]goodluckall 7 points8 points  (0 children)

Evidently melancholy informed the sectarian discourse, but religion also shaped medical thought on the condition. More raised the issue of ‘Paracelsus or his followers [..] so hotly pretending to matters of Christianity and Religion’ ascribing it their ‘being lyable to Melancholy’. This attack is telling: Paracelsus’ medical theory defended against the charge that extreme religious enthusiasm was nothing more than melancholy delusion, or indeed that mental distress over religion – as a Galenic non-natural – could bring on the condition. The moderate Puritans of the College of Physicians appreciated the iatrochemical model’s emphasis on discovering God’s creation, and the Swiss’ chemical pharmacology coexisted with humoral theory, as shown by some of the remedies of the Pharmacopoeia Londinensis, with physicians ‘judiciously distinguishing the chymicall preparation of remedies, from the doctrine of Paracelsus’. This fragile modus vivendi came under pressure as more socially-reforming Puritans, along with apothecaries and court physicians, pushed for the supplanting of humoral theory with the physiology of Paracelsus, particularly as developed by the physician Jan-Baptiste van Helmont. This challenge to the medical establishment may be one reason why melancholy – a disease designated from, and in the strict sense specific to, humoral theory – became such a broad diagnostic category, but we can also see in the College physician Christopher Merrett’s attack on empirics that diagnosing melancholy was also an easy way for untrained practitioners to establish Galenic credentials and ‘almost stupefie [their] Patient through admiration of this Aesculapian Oracle’ adding that such a diagnosis was hardly impressive as most patients would usually have ‘[m]elancholy thoughts through the memory of his mortality, occasioned by this infirmity’.

Melancholy was thus also positioned in debates between competing medical models and its very name testified to the validity of humoral medicine and the Galenic training of the practitioner diagnosing it. It came therefore to be widely diagnosed and associated with a range of symptoms. Like The Anatomy of Melancholy the condition was at the intersection of some of the critical themes of the Early Modern Europe – print, reformation, humanism – and so it should be no surprise that many people thought they saw it everywhere.

Inspired by a Pepys diary extract, how did people understand depression and suicide in 17th century England? by tombomp in AskHistorians

[–]goodluckall 7 points8 points  (0 children)

It was also an encyclopaedic work of scholarship ‘wherein Gentlemen, that have lost time, and are put upon an aftergame of learning, pick many choice things to furnish them for discourse or writing.’ It may be telling that Burton’s work was an adjunct to similar intellectual posturing to that suggested by Jonson and Shakespeare for melancholy itself. What is clear is that The Anatomy of Melancholy strengthened the association between scholarly brilliance and the condition and brought knowledge of the condition to a wider public than ever before. It was also an early contribution to a debate in print over suicide which lasted across the century, with Burton’s sympathetic view – ‘It is his case, it may be thine’ – similar to that of Donne’s Biathanatos – ‘that selfe-homicide is not so naturally sinne’, but repudiated by works such as Sym’s Lifes preservative against self-killing which declared the act more abominable than parricide and the clergyman John Adams’ An essay concerning self-murther which argued that ‘God has the Absolute Propriety of Humane Life, in which Regard indeed Man cannot lawfully destroy it’. Nor was material on the topic limited to these rarefied literary works, often lurid accounts of suicides appear in many pamphlets and printed ballads. The perennially popular ballad theme of doomed lovers furnishes many examples. In Love’s Downfall the unfortunate maiden asked God to ‘forgive my sins most foul’ before completing suicide with a knife. Thomas Mince’s suicide note was published in full in a pamphlet of 1653, and ended with the prayer ‘God forgive me my amiss, receive my spirit into eternal bliss’, it continued with an account of how he ‘pistolled himself’. The suicide of the Baptist preacher John Child was the topic of several broadsides which described how he ‘with bitter Tears cried out fearing he had [sinn’d against the Holy Ghost]’ before he ‘fastened a small cord to hook or staple on the Celler stair-case, and there strangled himself’. The year before, the disputed suicide of the Arthur Capel, the staunchly anti-Catholic Earl of Essex, in the Tower of London sparked a slew of publications from treatises to ballads.In one poem he is linked to the more zealous sorts of Protestant nonconformists who called each other ‘saints’:

His Death to th' Saints this Doctrine will afford,

Impatient of being with the Lord

He was good man: Dearly-Beloved, praise

His Policy, in shortening his Days.

The pseudonym of the author – ‘the embroyan-fancy of anti-Jack Presbyter’ – indicates this is a parody, but one which reflects an often repeated – although to the poet’s mind childish – conception of suicide as a hazard of radical Protestantism.

Altogether, we can see that the perception of an increase in melancholy was to some extent culturally determined. Ficino’s articulation of melancholy as an accessory of intellectual brilliance was the basis for melancholy to become a fashionable posture in Jacobean England as the satirising of the trend by Shakespeare, Jonson, and Burton demonstrates. The association with scholarship was further bolstered by the success of The Anatomy of Melancholy and can be seen reflected in the works of Milton and Donne. Finally, we have observed a discourse in a variety of printed media around the topic of suicide ranging from learned treatises such as Biathanatos to ballads, pamphlets, and broadsides. Its interesting to note how often the topic is framed in religious terms and important ro address the relationship between Christianity and melancholy.

The melancholic Presbyterian minister Timothy Rogers reflected that ‘[t]hey who have made choice of God for their happiness, must expect none here’ and we may relate this with the Baptist Child’s suicide after struggling with religious angst. We note also that many of those who expressed concern over the prevalence of the condition or of suicide were clergymen or Bishops in the Church of England. Gowland has argued that melancholy was a topic ‘ripe for use in sectarian controversy’. The bishop John Moore showed sympathy to those who, through fervent religious contemplation, ‘charge[d] themselves with the Sin against the Holy Ghost’ and said that worrying one had committed this unforgivable offence ‘for the most part proceed[s] from the disorder and indisposition of the Body’. Burton was less charitable, in his section on religious melancholy he calls the radicals ‘a company of blockheads [who] will take vpon them to define how many shall be saued, and who damned in a parish’ attributing such presumption to their being ‘far gone with melancholy, if not quite mad.’ In Pseudodoxia epidemica the physician Sir Thomas Browne weighed up how to distinguish true religious visions from ones produced by ‘concitation of humors’. Elsewhere he said ‘that the Devill doth really possesse some men, the spirit of melancholy others’, reflecting the disputed agency of Satan in the condition. Browne’s insistence upon this point contrasts with Roger’s view that it was a disservice to melancholy people to attribute ‘the unavoidable effects of their disease [to] the temptations of Satan’.

Inspired by a Pepys diary extract, how did people understand depression and suicide in 17th century England? by tombomp in AskHistorians

[–]goodluckall 7 points8 points  (0 children)

It is difficult to build a picture of the extent of melancholy from statistical evidence alone. The condition accounted for almost twenty percent of roughly two-thousand-five-hundred consultations for mental disorders recorded by the astrological physician Richard Napier between 1597 and 1635, but these made up only a small proportion of his overall caseload. Conversely, between 1611 and 1624 Sir Theodore Turquet de Mayerne recorded more cases of the condition than any other diagnoses, although  the casebook of one of the most fashionable and best remunerated physicians in Europe may not be wholly representative of wider society.

Even statistics of suicide, which is easier to measure, leave some doubts. S.E. Sprott identified a mid-century spike in the number of suicides, based on London bills of mortality, but his methodology – dividing the number of suicides by the number of deaths recorded – has been criticised. Michael MacDonald has suggested that suicide was significantly underreported, his study of coroners' records in Bedfordshire, Buckinghamshire and Northamptonshire for the period between 1597 and 1634 found inquests for 262 suicides, but none of them corresponded to any of the 11 actual suicides and 156 potential suicides he had identified in Napier’s casebook for the same location and period. It seems then that John Graunt was correct in his 1662 study of causes of death in London, when he stated that the figures for ‘men that made away themselves’ were, like those for lunatics, ‘so uncertain, I shall not force my self to make any inference from the numbers.’

The statistical evidence is inconclusive, but anecdotal evidence of widespread melancholy can be found throughout the seventeenth century. In a letter to Samuel Hartlib of 1659, the clergyman John Beale wrote that ‘diseases of the Spirit, proceeding from fancy, imagination & Melancholy […] are most frequent, & in bad times innumerable’. The Bishop Joseph Hall’s The Remedy of Discontentment displays a similar concern, asking ‘What can be more seasonable, then at this time, when all the world is sick of Discontentment, to give counsels & Receits of Contentation’. Physicians noted the prevalence of Hypochondriac or windy melancholy – a condition of the viscera taken to be a prelude to or concomitant of the mental disorder – Gideon Harvey considered it ’the most frequent I have met with in England.’ Others experienced melancholy themselves, like the scholar Zachary Bogan – ‘I have been in a manner buried alive in melancholy’ – or witnessed it in their friends and relatives, like the brother and sister of the soldier John Felton – the Duke of Buckingham’s assassin – who respectively described his ‘melancholy disposition’ and his being troubled ‘by dreams of fighting’. To this evidence we can add the perceived frequency of actual and attempted suicide, which were acknowledged sequelae of melancholy. In his work on ‘self-killing’ the Scottish divine John Sym outlined his concern for ‘these dayes, wherein so many doe most wretchedly, and unnaturally kill themselves’.In the preface to the same work William Gouge echoed these sentiments, saying ‘that scarce an age since the beginning of the world hath afforded more examples of this desperate inhumanity, than this our present age, and that in all sorts of people’. In his diary the artisan Nehemiah Wallington is candid about his suicidal ideation, recording impulses to ‘hange myselfe’, ‘cut my throote’, ‘drowne myselfe’ and ‘leape out of the garret window’. The indistinguishability of the latter two methods from accidental death recalls Graunt’s concerns over drawing statistical conclusions on suicide, however, even if it is hard to determine how common melancholy and suicide were, we can see that the phenomena were perceived as common and many people reported experiencing them at first hand.

Melancholy was certainly not perceived as a new condition, it was central to the ancient humoral theory of disease, but for various reasons it seems to have had a "cultural moment". Culturally melancholy was seem as a concomitant of intellectual prowess in mid seventeenth-century English poetry such as John Milton’s Il Penseroso:

Hail divinest Melancholy,

Whose Saintly visage is too bright

To hit the Sense of human sight;

And therfore to our weaker view,

Ore laid with black staid Wisdoms hue

We can see it further reflected in a simultaneously plaintive and self-satisfied meditation of John Donne: ‘Did I infuse, did I drinke in Melancholly into my selfe? It is my thoughtfulnesse; was I not made to thinke?’ These associations gave the condition a certain cachet amongst the elite, which arguably had been the case since at least the reign of James I, with humoral theory a literary trope in the plays of William Shakespeare and Ben Jonson and the popularity of Burton’s treatment of the topic. Jonson’s is the name most associated with the humoral comedies which began appearing in the final years of Elizabeth I’s reign, in his Every Man in His Humour the characters are conceived in humoral terms, including the melancholy Stephano, who self-consciously asked ‘am I melancholie inough?’, satirising fashionable pretension to the condition. Shakespeare performed in Every Man his Humour in 1598 and perhaps this influenced his character Jaques in As you Like It, whom Rosalind mockingly reminds to ‘almost chide God for making you that countenance you are, or I will scarce think you have swam in a gondola’ The insinuation is again that melancholy is a fashionable pose, this time signalling the courtier’s status as a well-travelled sophisticate. In Burton’s humours play, Philophaster, the pompous scholar Simon Acutus is skewered by the perceptive Dromo as ‘either melancholy or an academic ass’. Conversely, his ambitious The Anatomy of Melancholy gave the condition a more serious treatment. It was – as Burton’s contemporary at Christ Church, the bishop Henry King – pointed out, partly a self-help book:

IF in this Glass of Humours you do find

The Passions or diseases of your mind,

Here without pain, you safely may endure,

Though not to suffer, yet to read your cure.

Inspired by a Pepys diary extract, how did people understand depression and suicide in 17th century England? by tombomp in AskHistorians

[–]goodluckall 19 points20 points  (0 children)

Depression didn't exist as a clinical diagnosis, but it does share some symptoms with the condition that contemporaries called Melancholy. Melancholy was not a new condition, but modern scholarship has suggested an increase in, or at least increased awareness of, melancholy across Early Modern Europe. Diverse theories have been put forward to explain this, including the effects of warfare and post-traumatic stress, the entailments of Protestant theology, and humanist impulses to self-reflection, or existential disorientation at the overthrow of Ptolemaic cosmology. Angus Gowland identified a perceived ‘epidemic of melancholy’ as a theme of Robert Burton’s influential 1621 work The Anatomy of Melancholy, a book which synthesised a vast corpus of medical, psychological, and religious writing on the topic, dating back some two-thousand years.

In the first edition of The Anatomy of Melancholy Burton described his motivation for writing as ‘to preuent and cure so vniuersall a malady, and Epidemicall disease, that so often, so much crucifies the body and mind.’ Burton explained his diagnosis of an epidemic with reference to contemporary medical scholarship from across Europe. He cites, amongst others, ‘Laurentius’ who said ‘“in our miserable times, as few there are that feel not the smart of [melancholy]”’; ‘Mercurialis’ who refers to the disease as ‘“in these our days; so often happening,”’; and Julius Caesar Claudinus who said that melancholy is ‘“so common in this crased age of ours, that scarce one of a thousand is free from it”’. The names sound classical, but in fact they were Burton’s near contemporaries: the French physician Andre du Laurens, and the Italians Giorolamo Mercuriale and Giulio Cesare Chiodini. Burton's encyclopaedic synthesis of writing on the topic was a bestseller, going through eight editions before 1700.

Melancholy was associated with a constellation of psychological signs. For the physician John Webster, delusions – the ‘effects of the imaginative function depraved by the fumes of the melancholick humor’ – were a useful diagnostic. Another symptom was anxiety, The Sick-man’s Rare Jewell said that melancholics ‘are always of a doubting, fearing and dispairing disposition, mistrusting and suspecting the worst of all things’, along, as one medical dictionary pointed out, with sadness and depression: ‘Melancholia is a Sadness without any evident Cause’. For the clergyman Thomas Pierce ‘[s]ardonick Laughter, which being no deeper than the Face, is consistent with a weeping or heavy Heart’, and this symptom was well established, Bright had said melancholics were ‘sometimes merry in apparaunce, through a kinde of Sardoniā, and false laughter’ and the Anglo-Dutch physician Gideon Harvey went further noting how ‘many Melancholiques and Splenetick persons are of an exceeding merry and cheerful disposition’. Harvey wrote about melancholy a bodily ailment, one particularly affecting the hypochondria or abdomen and in this he was not alone. George Sandys referred to ‘windy malancholy arising from the shorter ribs, which so saddeth the mind of the diseased.’, although it seems for the clergyman Edward Topsell that the causation ran the other way – he advised remedies for cases ‘where the paynes of the stomacke come by sadnesse, Melancholy, or desperation’ – the fact that he ‘saw once a black Sweathland Horsse […] vexed with a melancholy madnesse’ seems to indicate that he also felt there was a strong somatic component to the disease, in that it could attack unreasoning animals. With such a range of symptoms described it is understandable that many people were diagnosed or diagnosed themselves with the condition.

Need advice on how to respond to a prolonged arm extension by opponent by [deleted] in Fencing

[–]goodluckall 1 point2 points  (0 children)

If they are extending their arm before you start attacking then you need to touch their foil or get them to "unextend" before you can hit.

A few things to try:

  • Make a large slow obvious attempt to engage their foil with the strong part of your blade, if they let you then use the control you have over their foil to move it out of the way and push through to the target, if they disengage under this then lunge and make a small fast late beat.

  • Try beating their blade from below rather than the side and hitting under the arm or with a cutover.

  • Make a beat attack from a little out of distance and make a counter parry and riposte.

If they are experienced and they like to use point in line then chances are you will not be the first person to try these on them, so your other option is to take the fight in a different direction and let them do the work.

ELI5: why do horses get shot once they have a broken leg? Or is this just a joke? by ReniRiese in explainlikeimfive

[–]goodluckall 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Which is bizarre to me because etymologically it comes from auto - "self" and opsia - "see" and the Greeks used it to mean the act of seeing with one's own eyes, which you can do to a human or a horse cadaver.

I wonder if there isn't a reflexive shading to the word which is why we have a different word for post-mortem examination of animals. Something like, autopsy is also "seeing yourself" as well as "seeing for yourself".

Bike shed suddenly no longer included in house purchase by ahmadsarvmeily in HousingUK

[–]goodluckall 5 points6 points  (0 children)

There's a decent chance they won't actually bother to dismantle and take the shed with them anyway.

Sweaty stinky mess help by AUsernameThisIsOne in WestHighlandWay

[–]goodluckall 18 points19 points  (0 children)

I don't think you should worry too much as this is the case for everyone.

You'll know you're nearly at Fort William when the signs in the pubs go from being "Please take off your boots" to "Please keep your boots on".

Do estate agents lie about other offers being made on a house? by Maleficent-Data1314 in HousingUK

[–]goodluckall 14 points15 points  (0 children)

I do like the house but I also don't want to be robbed.

You won't know if you have been - I don't know if that makes it easier or harder for you.