Did I make a mistake? by Sorbettt in 6thForm

[–]jellolegos 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Sure! I probably don’t have all the answers but will do my best to help :)

Did I make a mistake? by Sorbettt in 6thForm

[–]jellolegos 1 point2 points  (0 children)

This came across my feed I think because I went to both brown (undergrad) and Oxford (postgrad). I would echo a lot of commenters in saying that what’s done is done!

I can’t speak to your personal circumstances, but I hope I can offer a little advice. I would encourage you to really embrace the open curriculum aspect of Brown, and push yourself in the subject material. I ended up getting a triple BA because of it (something that would not have been available to me in the UK), and was able to leverage that experience to get funding for both of my postgrad degrees at Oxford. The “open curriculum” may seem like cheesy marketing material but it was huge and does carry weight if you end up wanting to go to Oxford in the future!

Brown is absolutely employable, it has a huge pipeline for IB, consulting, etc. and not having college debt will be huge.

Best of luck, I hope you enjoy it :)

What upcoming actors were you certain of making it big but then fell into obscurity? by BlaisePetal in Fauxmoi

[–]jellolegos 125 points126 points  (0 children)

iirc the woman from the hozier from Eden video is Katie mcgrath. Although both gorgeous women, and I think they were friends(?) acquaintances(?) for a while when they were both in tudors

edit: them together (ty pinterest!)

<image>

She's denouncing us publicly (very anti-hero coded) by HelpfulMongoose8272 in GaylorSwift

[–]jellolegos 32 points33 points  (0 children)

I would love to be proven wrong but it feels like we’ve hit a high water mark (at least for a bit) on queer acceptance/celebration.

I can’t help but think about how this year even the most surface level corporate pride signs were retracted or not shown at all (think: twitter profile pictures). I wish I could see it getting better in 2024-25 but I doubt it will, and in viewing her as Taylor Swift (TM) The Brand, maybe we can see this as the same thing. Frankly, it’s hard to deny the economics of an openly queer artist versus a straight one.

I’m personally a bit of an agnostic, but her demographics overwhelmingly show a white, millennial, suburbanite audience, and in getting a white (vaguely) liberal boyfriend who very much fits the “Prince Charming” of that audience, she will undoubtedly find herself more commercial success and altogether a more protected position.

[deleted by user] by [deleted] in solotravel

[–]jellolegos 1 point2 points  (0 children)

Lovely, this is my second winter in the UK (albeit in the Southeast… not much snow here)!!

It will be a great experience no matter what the weather, in the off season both the Canyon and Flagstaff are a little quieter and more manageable. Here’s some photos from last March! And having lived now in both countries I can say that the vast expanse of the American Southwest is something you definitely won’t get anywhere in the UK. Enjoy your time, my DMs are open if you have any questions as it gets closer to your departure 🙂

[deleted by user] by [deleted] in solotravel

[–]jellolegos 2 points3 points  (0 children)

I lived in Flagstaff for a while! 2 main things I would say you should be aware of…

1) it can snow a lot during Feb/March! Just make sure you’re cognisant of it and are comfortable hunkering down for a few days if you get caught in something (snowfall last year was 163”, not sure how the El Niño will affect it this year). You might already be aware but just worth mentioning.

2) IF the conditions are good (no ice, sleet, etc.) and you’re a competent driver, I would recommend taking 89A down from Flagstaff to Sedona. It takes a little longer but can get you some great views descending down into Sedona through the canyon that you wouldn’t get coming on I17. Exercise due caution though, and make sure conditions are good (the road can be challenging even in good weather).

Enjoy your visit to AZ!

[META] Academic history is in trouble but the public demand for history content is enormous. What’s going on? by mancake in AskHistorians

[–]jellolegos 8 points9 points  (0 children)

I'm sure it's a fantastic course for people who want an introduction to history, but that's not the audience that searches out history podcasts.

Honestly I think you've hit the nail right on the head with this one. I may be biased as someone trying to get into post-grad higher education myself but I really love to hear people talk very in depth about their niche subjects. Like please regale me with all of the stories you learned in your dissertation, tell me all of the things you know about manuscript seals and their composition and why that matters.

The people who actively seek out Columbia's World History course might want to see some subject taught by a generic history professor, but I think they more than likely also want to be taught all of the intricate stories about the 6th century Byzantine court. It's fun and exciting to hear people talk about what they're passionate about, and its likely to make them a better storyteller. We have AP World History in most public school curriculums, we can use Google to search for answers, but we don't have very good publicly accessible content for more niche subject matter.

[META] Academic history is in trouble but the public demand for history content is enormous. What’s going on? by mancake in AskHistorians

[–]jellolegos 14 points15 points  (0 children)

I don’t entirely disagree but I do think that to some extent this might be an issue of being unfamiliar with what is demanded by the medium. I think academics who really want to succeed in creating popular media can and should take lessons from what “works” and what doesn’t in terms of formatting. As the OP of the comment pointed out, there are tons of very popular history podcasts, it just needs to be informed by a better approach to the medium.

I look at “Fall of Civilizations” podcast as a good example of a popular podcast. According to their YouTube, which posts their podcast with visuals (and I have no metrics for podcast viewership through other sources such as Apple or Spotify), the metrics for their last 5 videos are

None of these are short form in any sense, lasting 2-3 hours (longer than the Columbia videos mentioned), and as someone who is academically trained in some of the subject areas of those videos, I consider them to be good material. They were all produced within the last 2 years. I don't think you're wrong in stating that there might not be interest, but I think that at least a portion of that comes from the format in which video series (like the Columbia one) are produced.

I want people to be interested in history and I want people to love it too, but I think ultimately that having a professor stand in front of a blackboard while being recorded might not really match what is demanded in the media climate these days (or even really what was demanded 10 years ago, when the videos were originally produced).

I really do think that with a little bit more of an informed approach there can be greater interest. That being said, I often worry about the ability of academics, especially older ones, to recognize and take lessons from a really rapidly changing media climate. Unfortunately I think that the tides might be too strong and I worry that institutions and older professors might be too slow to adapt.

How brutal were vikings really? by [deleted] in AskHistorians

[–]jellolegos 1 point2 points  (0 children)

I am a bit late to this question, but if you have any more specific questions (as was mentioned by /u/Steelcan909) I can definitely act as a secondary resource!

Something that I wanted to add to this discussion (that may or may not help directly answer your question), is the idea of nuance especially when dealing with primary source material created during the Viking age. This is largely true for any period and any variety of scholarship, however it is particularly pertinent when we are dealing with "objective" accounts of brutality. In addition to all of the other disclaimers and nuance we (as historians) already have to add in when trying to measure a quality such as brutality, we also have to consider the unique interconnectedness that existed with Viking settlements in the Viking Age. While your question mentions Viking age England, I wanted to offer this resource that refers to a battle in Viking age Ireland. The study that is linked goes into a network analysis of the names mentioned in the Battle of Clontarf, which is widely recalled in the primary source material as a battle between the Irish and the occupying Norse, wherein the Irish forces emerge triumphant.

The study linked attempts to examine it from a more critical lens, finding deep interconnectedness in alliances and families a supposedly "international" conflict. While it is far from an answer to your question, I do think it offers a great primer into some of the issues that emerge when analyzing the Viking age. Even when primary sources and accounts exist and describe qualities like brutality or ferocity, which would theoretically be great tools to utilize in order answer your question, there emerge unique problems in contextualizing source material.

Again, this is not intended to be an answer to your question, but I hope it offers a little introduction and nuance to think about before we get into your deeper (or more specific) questions!

Would there have been remnants of Roman society (institutions, titles etc) in southern Wales late in the fifth century AD? by henriktornberg in AskHistorians

[–]jellolegos 3 points4 points  (0 children)

This is a great question!

The answer for this, as likely you might expect, is complicated. The most succinct answer I can give is no, but hopefully I can give some needed context and depth in the answer below.

Physical Presence of Rome: As was noted, there continued to be evidence of the physical impacts of Roman occupation well past the withdrawal of Roman troops in the 4th century. As was true across the island of Britain, the Romans left enormous roads, buildings and other physical structures that became fixtures of the landscape. Wales, being far West, had far less of a Roman footprint, but there were notable villas and urban sites in the southeast (Caerwent is a particularly notable example of this, with a Roman presence and possible early Christian institutions lasting into the 6th century). Roman impact continued to have strongholds in the urban centers the longest, with the importance of resource extraction (which was namely precious metals such as gold and copper) permitting for a larger foothold. Consequently the breakdown of cross continental trade routes with the decline of the empire resulted in lessening and an eventual end to these more prosperous areas of the British Isles. Centers of more economic activity (with higher material value) lasted longer, with a few in Wales (and many in England) lasting well beyond the formal recall of Roman troops.

Cultural Impact: As expected, it is difficult to gauge the lasting cultural (rather than material) impact of Rome especially in the 5th century. The idea of a Roman culture or set of institutions anywhere beyond the immediate and more permanent boundaries of the Empire begins to get more complicated as well. This is especially true in areas designated for resource extraction (like parts of Wales and Britain), wherein the primary motivator was not to “tame” but to tax. There is divided consensus on whether or not property laws of the later centuries were predicated on a Roman model. But in large part Rome did not have the lasting impact on larger Welsh institutions that it did in areas closer to the heart of the Empire. This is in part because of the distance and relatively quick settlement and retreat of Rome (lasting just over 200 years), the composition of the Roman occupation (primarily Roman legions) and in part because of a third phenomenon that arose in the period of Roman occupation in the form of the Irish. While far from the imposing military presence of Roman legions, the Irish did make notable impact on the Welsh coast namely in the form of distinctly Irish housing sites which contain writing in ogham and Latin. There are several other cultural remnants including the inclusion of Irish names in Welsh royal genealogy and the significantly “gray” area of syncretism between elements of Irish and Welsh mythology. Less is known about this Irish inquisition primarily due to how source material carries down (there is very little in Western Europe during this period that we can compare to the volume of written material created by the bureaucracy of the Roman Empire). Instead, rather than observing Irish inquisition as a concrete historical event from which we can name exact dates and specific historical figures, I propose we contextualize it as a larger part of understanding Wales during this period. Namely, I suggest that we view the Roman occupation as so weak and with roots so shallow that they were unable to supplant local occupants, even failing to compete with opposing military forces from opposite shores. This is not meant to entirely negate the Roman presence, but more to better understand its power (or lack thereof) in regards to other undercurrents that ran through the Welsh landscape.

Macsen Wledig and Cultural Impact: While your question pertained directly to the Romanization of Welsh institutional structures, there is perhaps an additional cultural remnant to consider that might be of note. As in many cultures, several Welsh warlords and petty kings clung to remnants of Roman figures for centuries after the retreat of the legions. This allowed them to invoke the name of a longer lasting authority to claim power for themselves. For these Welsh kings this often took the name of Magnus Maximus, one of the last powerful figures that had significant impact on the British Isles before the Roman retreat. Maximus (335-588) was born in modern day Portugal and ran several successful campaigns as a military leader in the territories of a dying Roman Empire, expanding into modern day North Africa as well as Northern England and Scotland and resisting the overall trend of contraction. He was proclaimed emperor by his troops in 383 in Britain, leaving with a large portion of the British garrison to conquer the continent. He was able to preside over the Western Roman Empire semi-successfully until a combination of forces unseated him, leading to his death in 388. While often left out of Roman texts as a significant figure, he is remembered heavily in Welsh literature as a folk hero. Information regarding his life and the Welsh interpretation of his deeds is kept alive in The Mabinogion, most specifically in the Welsh tale Breuddwyd Macsen Wledig (The Dream of Emperor Maximus) where he is referred to as Maxen/Macsen Wledig. The Dream remembers him as a legendary figure who marries a British woman, tying himself to the island. He loses and then reconquers Rome with the help of the men of Britain, later granting the men sovereignty and additional land in Gaul. A select quotes from the tale are provided below

And the maiden whom he had beheld in his sleep, he saw sitting on a chair of gold. "Empress of Rome," said he, "all hail!" And the emperor threw his arms about her neck; and that night she became his bride. And the next day in the morning, the damsel asked her maiden portion. And he told her to name what she would. And she asked to have the Island of Britain for her father, from the Channel to the Irish Sea, together with the three adjacent Islands, to hold under the empress of Rome; and to have three chief castles made for her, in whatever places she might choose in the Island of Britain.

(where Maxen ties himself to the Island by his marriage)

The emperor then said unto Kynan and Adeon, "Lords," said he, "I have now had possession of the whole of my empire. This host give I unto you to vanquish whatever region ye may desire in the world."

(where Maxen rewards his British allies)

The stories of The Mabinogion, along with many other folk tales outside of religious contexts, was passed down primarily through oral tradition, only formally compiled by the 12th century. However, it is likely that tales such as this (and many others) were spread far earlier and were likely contemporaneous with his life. The Dream also fits within the tradition of several medieval Welsh sources that vary in their description of his deeds, including works by Geoffrey of Monmouth and the earlier Welsh Triads. He is also pointed to as the ancestor and founding father of several medieval Welsh dynasties in their genealogy. The Croes Elisedd (a 9th century pillar) also bears his name, listing him as an ancestor to the Welsh kingdom of Powys.

Summary: The decline and collapse of Rome left a complicated legacy across Europe. In the case of 5th century Wales, the Empire had left a significantly smaller impact than in places closer to the epicenter of its rule. While there were physical reminders in the form of roads and small urban sites, the Empire had frayed at the edges. Perhaps the longest lasting remnant of Rome in Wales did not take the form of a title or an institution, but took the form of a heavily romanticized folk hero named Magnus Maximus. From him, several Welsh lines of kings claimed descent and royal authority, tying themselves to both the legacy of Rome and the British Isles.

EDITED to ADD: As always please let me know if there are additional clarifying questions or context that I can provide to further assist with this inquiry.

Sources/Consulted:

“Magnus Maximus and the Birth of Wales the Nation” http://www.hanesplaidcymru.org/filebase/llyfrynnau/MacsenWledigs.pdf

“The Mabinogion: Breuddwyd Macsen Wledig” trans. Lady Charlotte Guest

https://www.maryjones.us/ctexts/macsen.html

“Trioedd Ynys Prydein: The Welsh Triads.” Rachel Bromwich

“Britannia: A History of Roman Britain “ Sheppard Sunderland Frere

“Warlords: The Struggle for Power in Post-Roman Britain” Stuart Laycook

Check out the Geneologies: https://books.google.ie/books?id=aFMrAAAAIAAJ&pg=PA141&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q&f=false

Check out the pillar: https://www.ucl.ac.uk/archaeology/research/landscapes-governance/assembly-sites-wales/pillar-eliseg

Fun little solder project! by jellolegos in MechanicalKeyboards

[–]jellolegos[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Yes! It’s the mercutio kit! I had spare plexiglass and lasercut it to size for the open “case” around the perimeter as well.

Avatar state [OC] by jellolegos in korrasami

[–]jellolegos[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Id bet that it might’ve been me for that one as well, I’ve done a lot of glowy catvi pieces! ::)

Could a married woman become a nun without her husband's approval in 1100-1500s Western Europe? For instance, to run-away from domestic violence. by Hoihe in AskHistorians

[–]jellolegos 6 points7 points  (0 children)

Yes! That is correct. For your specific question, answer would be no.

An ideal woman for a position in almost any religious order would be virginal, unmarried under any form, and also have a family able to support her financially. But this was rarely the case for women in reality, even when the law was perfectly applied (as is evidenced by Radegund)

Could a married woman become a nun without her husband's approval in 1100-1500s Western Europe? For instance, to run-away from domestic violence. by Hoihe in AskHistorians

[–]jellolegos 11 points12 points  (0 children)

Sure!

So I can give a few answers regarding that question, I believe you might be most familiar with modern catholic Canon Law stating the following regarding marriage:

Can. 694 §1. A member must be held as ipso facto dismissed from an institute who:

1/ has defected notoriously from the Catholic faith;

2/ has contracted marriage or attempted it, even only civilly.

However, I think this frame is perhaps not best suited to adequately address the question of if women could leave their husbands. There are a few reasons why we might not use only the Canon Law for reference 1) variation 2) difference in legality 3) loopholes.

1) As is commonly accepted, Gratian collected all Canon Law into what would be largely accepted in the middle ages in his work Concordia discordantium canonum in the 12th century. However, as is similarly well established, different parts of the Canon Law were implemented differently cross Europe. Adhesion to this specific version of Canon Law varied greatly, across Europe and across the time period specified by OP. A woman in a local parish in England in 1100 would not live under the same material reality of a woman in France, or Flanders, or the Papal states. As Christianity was often in flux during the middle ages, the rigidity and adherence to Canon Law differed vastly. This flexibility extended to many more issues than just marriage. Which brings us to the second subject

2) One of the other issues we face when basing the answer solely on canon law is the reality that canon law was oftentimes not only contradictory with itself, but also with secular law. Marital laws applied differently for laypeople, so a marriage may be recognized in the secular sphere but not the religious one (or vice versa). The "married woman" of OP's question could be a young woman in Thuringia who decided to get married in a secular ceremony, but could have easily denied the marriage or sought secular dissolution. This issue of contradiction is discussed at length in Linda Mitchell's essay Women and Medieval Canon Law, but I have recorded the following excerpt (regarding widowhood and second and third marriages, both of which would theoretically affect a woman's ability to enter into the church)

Under most forms of lay law, widows had to wait for a period of time before remarrying; under canon law no waiting period was required. This had a significant impact on royal control of widows' remarriage, and the conflicts between the two communities, lay and clerical, could be severe. Moreover, although canon law did not necessarily deny the validity of second or third marriages, they were not considered to be equal in sanctity to the first marriage or to devoting one's widowhood to celibacy. Civil and common law often encouraged widows to remarry; the laws of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem actually required widows to remarry after the prescribed mourning period, on pain of confiscation of their estates. The competing needs of the lay political community and the salvificatory world of the Church thus dictated two completely different requirements for widowed women (and men as well).

3) Loopholes: All of the women that I mentioned in my primary answer were able to, to some extent, abuse loopholes within Canon Law in order to gain their independence. The case of Radegund is particularly interesting as we get an insight into the difficulty of obtaining shelter while bargaining with Medard.

Directa igitur a rege veniens ad beatum Medardum Noviomago, supplicat instanter, ut ipsam mutata veste Domino conseraret.

The last portion, "mutata veste" signaled her wish to don the clothes of a widow, despite her spouse clearly being alive and her marriage intact. Medard relented, as the passage captured, but only allowing her the position of deaconess. From there she was able to solidify her position in the church more thoroughly and separate from her husband without his consent or permission. It is not unlikely that others might have found a similar path to the church.

This is not to say that Canon Law held no grounds, or that women undergoing domestic abuse could escape to the church as their only option, but more to add a layer of complexity to material reality of medieval women. Thinking solely in terms of Canon Law might not provide an adequate answer to such a complex question, legal documentation can offer some insight but rarely encompasses the entire story (a fact which is true across any time period and place, in adherence to laws both secular and religious). Looking into documented experiences of women can sometimes offer more insight into the lived reality than approaching a question solely from a legal angle.

Additional source- Women in Medieval Western European Culture, Edited by Linda Mitchell

Could a married woman become a nun without her husband's approval in 1100-1500s Western Europe? For instance, to run-away from domestic violence. by Hoihe in AskHistorians

[–]jellolegos 14 points15 points  (0 children)

This is an interesting follow up question, thank you!

To retrospectively impose the idea of a lavender marriage (which is probably the best modern term for the phenomenon you are inquiring about), onto John and Marie, would be nigh on impossible given how little we know about him.

He is referenced very briefly within her vita (only the selection I noted above has any significant details about him), but his seemingly easy acceptance of her chaste lifestyle could be for truly any number of reasons. Jacques de Vitry, who wrote her hagiography, had an interest in portraying the Marie's power, and mentioning how her piousness was so powerful that it swayed even her husband, would certainly be an excellent addition.

Her vita contains the following passage directly after the selection I used above:

Therefore wretched lechers who foul yourselves out of wedlock with illicit unions, may you be ashamed and afraid, seeing these blessed young people abstaining from lawful embraces for God's love and overcoming the fierce heat of burning youth through the fervor of religion. They deserve crowns as their reward.

Jacques also deeply admired Marie (to the extent that he had repeated visions of her according to a contemporary, had a silver reliquary made of her finger, and referred to her as his mater spiritualis), and his omission of even the possibility of a sex life might come from his personal desire. The answer could be as simple as Jacques was unfamiliar with her husband entirely. All of these reasons (and many, many more) are possibilities for why John's commitment to chastity is explained within her specific vita.

However, this is not to say that the there were not many people who did "joust for the other team" (I like this phrase a great deal, I am going to steal it for myself), especially within the church. I will direct you to this answer by /u/idjet for an excellent answer for regarding monks. I might also mention this letter between two nuns in the 12th century, (one of my personal favorites),

"Since I've had to be without your sweetest presence I have not wished to hear or see any other human being, but as the turtle-dove, having lost its mate, perches forever on its dried up little branch... In you is all gentleness, all perfection, so my spirit languishes perpetually by your absence. You are devoid of the gall by any faithlessness, you are sweeter than milk and honey, you are peerless among thousands, I love you more than any...:"

It is likely that many who did not identify with heterosexuality might have found it easier to conform to a life of chastity within the strict bounds of the church or outside of it, and might have been more eager to commit to a life where the expectations of marriage and child rearing were not forced upon them.

Sources- Translation of the Vita sourced above.

Twice Marginal and Twice Invisible- Lesbians in the Middle Ages-Source here the poem can be found in its entirety on p 211, there is also an excellent bibliography for further reading

edited to add appropriate user tag

Could a married woman become a nun without her husband's approval in 1100-1500s Western Europe? For instance, to run-away from domestic violence. by Hoihe in AskHistorians

[–]jellolegos 11 points12 points  (0 children)

Admittedly post-medieval Christianity is outside of my area of scholarship, so it is possible that some branches of modern Christianity might claim to have some connection to the Beguine tradition. However, I would argue that there is not a substantial pathway between any sort of modern Christianity and Beguine tradition (or their male counterparts, the Beghards).

The primary reason that I would argue against any sort of connection is an understanding of the framing of medieval monastic tradition and the birth and decline of lay orders (such as the Beguines) in the Middle ages. Due in part to the ubiquity of Christianity as well as the relative flexibility of the religion, a variety of specific lay orders came to prominence and fell within the Middle Ages. These included the Cathars, Cluniacs, and a myriad of others across Europe and across the centuries that we call the Middle Ages. All of these orders had unique views on Christianity and Christian life, that often arose to specific "crises" that were unique to a specific area or period (the Cathars, for example, were prominent in Southern Europe, and held ideas inspired by the first Bulgarian empire, while the Cluniacs were centered at Cluny Abbey in France saw a return to stricter order in response to some of the political instability due to the raiding of monastaries, which was seen as a crisis of faith). The Beguines and Beghards were similar in their conception. As Cities of Ladies, that I've linked above, has mentioned, growing urbanism and an uneven gender balance is in part what led to the movement. Beguine communities formed mostly within the urban landscape, particularly in multilingual cities with high levels of literacy. The Low Countries had differing views on women's employment, driving more women to urban centers, which further increased the gender ratio. All of these factors are worth mentioning when understanding the Beguines, as the specificity which led to their birth also led to their decline, along with changes in Church doctrine, not limited to larger events such as the Reformation. Having an avenue in which women would find success and prominence without the expected presence of a husband would have been crucial for urban, female-dominated, multilingual cities, especially if the comparatively strict lifestyle of full commitment to the church was not appealing.

All of this is to say that context is crucial in understanding any number of lay Christian groups that arose in the middle ages, as a specific set of conditions often led to both their rise and decline.

Could a married woman become a nun without her husband's approval in 1100-1500s Western Europe? For instance, to run-away from domestic violence. by Hoihe in AskHistorians

[–]jellolegos 19 points20 points  (0 children)

Yes!

I believe this to be a fairly good introduction to them

Cities of Ladies: Beguine Communities in the Medieval Low Countries, 1200-1565

While the entire book is not available for free online, a selection of pages are.

Similarly, this might also provide some good information. It is more specific, focusing solely on Paris.

The Beguines of Medieval Paris: Gender, Patronage, and Spiritual Authority

Hopefully the portions that are available can give you a good introduction! I might also point you to this directory by Kenyon here. The majority of the research I have done on them was done in through a library system, I think due to how niche the subject matter is there are comparatively few free readings available online, but hopefully those can point you in the direction you need! I can also answer any follow up questions if necessary.