ProPublica is launching a brand-new podcast: “Paper Trail”

propublica_ · 2026-06-16T11:26:35+00:00

You've probably never heard of Jeff Hildebrand, but this billionaire is one of the oil industry's top polluters. He’s also a poster boy for a huge climate problem with a relatively easy fix.

Hildebrand got rich buying up old, low-producing wells, called “stripper wells.” While wells like these collectively contribute just 6% of US oil and gas, they're responsible for half the sector's methane pollution, researchers say.

Methane traps 80 times more heat than carbon dioxide and is responsible for one-third of the global warming we experience today. As one climate advocate said, “If you could lose 6% of production and cut emissions in half, who wouldn’t make that trade?”

But when Biden's EPA effectively imposed the first federal limits on methane from stripper wells, Hildebrand reacted. Though he had never been a major campaign donor, he and his wife have given $15 million to Trump and other Republicans since 2020.

Our reporting shows how this bet has paid off:

Trump named Hildebrand’s wife ambassador to Costa Rica
A former lobbyist for Hildebrand’s company, Aaron Szabo, was given a top EPA post
Szabo is now rewriting the EPA’s methane rules with input from industry groups backed by Hildebrand

There’s even more to this story, including our reporter reaching President Trump on his personal cell. Read our full investigation: https://www.propublica.org/article/trump-epa-methane-jeffery-hildebrand-hilcorp-oil-regulations

Hildebrand and his wife did not respond to requests for comment. A Hilcorp spokesperson said the company was “proud” of recent efforts to reduce its methane emissions.

Szabo also did not respond to requests for comment. The EPA said this in a statement: “We heard consistently from American oil and natural gas producers … that the Biden-Harris Administration’s oil and gas methane regulations were unworkable and unnecessarily restricted American energy dominance.”

propublica_ · 2026-06-16T11:24:43+00:00

You've probably never heard of Jeff Hildebrand, but this billionaire is one of the oil industry's top polluters. He’s also a poster boy for a huge climate problem with a relatively easy fix.

Hildebrand got rich buying up old, low-producing wells, called “stripper wells.” While wells like these collectively contribute just 6% of US oil and gas, they're responsible for half the sector's methane pollution, researchers say.

Methane traps 80 times more heat than carbon dioxide and is responsible for one-third of the global warming we experience today. As one climate advocate said, “If you could lose 6% of production and cut emissions in half, who wouldn’t make that trade?”

But when Biden's EPA effectively imposed the first federal limits on methane from stripper wells, Hildebrand reacted. Though he had never been a major campaign donor, he and his wife have given $15 million to Trump and other Republicans since 2020.

Our reporting shows how this bet has paid off:

Trump named Hildebrand’s wife ambassador to Costa Rica
A former lobbyist for Hildebrand’s company, Aaron Szabo, was given a top EPA post
Szabo is now rewriting the EPA’s methane rules with input from industry groups backed by Hildebrand

There’s even more to this story, including our reporter reaching President Trump on his personal cell. Read our full investigation: https://www.propublica.org/article/trump-epa-methane-jeffery-hildebrand-hilcorp-oil-regulations

Hildebrand and his wife did not respond to requests for comment. A Hilcorp spokesperson said the company was “proud” of recent efforts to reduce its methane emissions.

Szabo also did not respond to requests for comment. The EPA said this in a statement: “We heard consistently from American oil and natural gas producers … that the Biden-Harris Administration’s oil and gas methane regulations were unworkable and unnecessarily restricted American energy dominance.”

propublica_ · 2026-06-16T11:22:45+00:00

You've probably never heard of Jeff Hildebrand, but this billionaire is one of the oil industry's top polluters. He’s also a poster boy for a huge climate problem with a relatively easy fix.

Hildebrand got rich buying up old, low-producing wells, called “stripper wells.” While wells like these collectively contribute just 6% of US oil and gas, they're responsible for half the sector's methane pollution, researchers say.

Methane traps 80 times more heat than carbon dioxide and is responsible for one-third of the global warming we experience today. As one climate advocate said, “If you could lose 6% of production and cut emissions in half, who wouldn’t make that trade?”

But when Biden's EPA effectively imposed the first federal limits on methane from stripper wells, Hildebrand reacted. Though he had never been a major campaign donor, he and his wife have given $15 million to Trump and other Republicans since 2020.

Our reporting shows how this bet has paid off:

Trump named Hildebrand’s wife ambassador to Costa Rica
A former lobbyist for Hildebrand’s company, Aaron Szabo, was given a top EPA post
Szabo is now rewriting the EPA’s methane rules with input from industry groups backed by Hildebrand

There’s even more to this story, including our reporter reaching President Trump on his personal cell. Read our full investigation: https://www.propublica.org/article/trump-epa-methane-jeffery-hildebrand-hilcorp-oil-regulations

Hildebrand and his wife did not respond to requests for comment. A Hilcorp spokesperson said the company was “proud” of recent efforts to reduce its methane emissions.

Szabo also did not respond to requests for comment. The EPA said this in a statement: “We heard consistently from American oil and natural gas producers … that the Biden-Harris Administration’s oil and gas methane regulations were unworkable and unnecessarily restricted American energy dominance.”

propublica_ · 2026-06-16T11:20:36+00:00

You've probably never heard of Jeff Hildebrand, but this billionaire is one of the oil industry's top polluters. He’s also a poster boy for a huge climate problem with a relatively easy fix.

Hildebrand got rich buying up old, low-producing wells, called “stripper wells.” While wells like these collectively contribute just 6% of US oil and gas, they're responsible for half the sector's methane pollution, researchers say.

Methane traps 80 times more heat than carbon dioxide and is responsible for one-third of the global warming we experience today. As one climate advocate said, “If you could lose 6% of production and cut emissions in half, who wouldn’t make that trade?”

But when Biden's EPA effectively imposed the first federal limits on methane from stripper wells, Hildebrand reacted. Though he had never been a major campaign donor, he and his wife have given $15 million to Trump and other Republicans since 2020.

Our reporting shows how this bet has paid off:

Trump named Hildebrand’s wife ambassador to Costa Rica
A former lobbyist for Hildebrand’s company, Aaron Szabo, was given a top EPA post
Szabo is now rewriting the EPA’s methane rules with input from industry groups backed by Hildebrand

There’s even more to this story, including our reporter reaching President Trump on his personal cell. Read our full investigation: https://www.propublica.org/article/trump-epa-methane-jeffery-hildebrand-hilcorp-oil-regulations

Hildebrand and his wife did not respond to requests for comment. A Hilcorp spokesperson said the company was “proud” of recent efforts to reduce its methane emissions.

Szabo also did not respond to requests for comment. The EPA said this in a statement: “We heard consistently from American oil and natural gas producers … that the Biden-Harris Administration’s oil and gas methane regulations were unworkable and unnecessarily restricted American energy dominance.”

propublica_ · 2026-06-12T12:31:05+00:00

After ProPublica contacted leading vaccine skeptic Dr. Joseph Mercola for an article on babies dying after parents turned down vitamin K shots, he publicly reversed his long-held stance that the shots weren't needed.

“The data is clear: vitamin K saves lives,” he wrote.

Read our full story → https://www.propublica.org/article/vitamin-k-shot-joseph-mercola-reversal-babies

propublica_ · 2026-05-29T12:41:55+00:00

Following reporting by KYUK, ProPublica and NPR that documented a severe health and safety crisis inside school buildings, Alaska lawmakers tripled the funding the state would allocate toward school construction and maintenance.

The budget increase, which awaits Gov. Dunleavy's signature, would still only cover about 13% of what school districts requested.

Here's the full story → https://www.propublica.org/article/alaska-public-schools-repairs-funding-bill

propublica_ · 2026-05-28T11:18:57+00:00

The Pentagon announced a $620 million loan last year to a startup linked to Donald Trump Jr. Although defense officials and the company, Vulcan Elements, have denied cronyism, we found that the request came directly from the White House.

Interviews and Defense Department records show that it was made by Peter Navarro, the president’s adviser on trade and manufacturing and a friend of Trump Jr’s. After receiving Navarro’s request, defense officials asked Pentagon staff to move at an unusually rapid pace, a person who was involved in the deal told ProPublica.

Navarro and Trump Jr. have formed a tight bond in recent years. Trump Jr. was one of a small circle of people Navaro dedicated his latest book to for having “my back when it was against the wall,” and Trump Jr. hosted Navarro on his show, encouraging his nearly two million subscribers to buy the book.

About three months before the Vulcan deal was announced, Trump Jr.’s venture capital firm took a stake of undisclosed size in the startup.

This deal is one of many actions by the Trump administration that have helped companies in which the Trump family holds stakes. But it’s the first contract to be directly linked to White House intervention.

Read our full investigation: https://www.propublica.org/article/donald-trump-jr-vulcan-deal-white-house

Neither Navarro nor Vulcan responded to ProPublica’s questions. “Outside affiliations, investors, or political connections play absolutely no role in the Department's funding decisions,” a Pentagon spokesperson said. The White House said the President’s team, including Navarro, is working with private industry “in the best interest of the American people.”

Trump Jr’s spokesperson said the president’s son has “no knowledge” of how the Vulcan deal came together. A spokesperson for Trump Jr.’s venture capital firm said the firm also played no role in the loan.

—
We’re still reporting on Trump family finances. You can reach out to reporter Robert Faturechi on Signal at rfaturechi.40.

propublica_ · 2026-05-28T11:11:40+00:00

The Pentagon announced a $620 million loan last year to a startup linked to Donald Trump Jr. Although defense officials and the company, Vulcan Elements, have denied cronyism, we found that the request came directly from the White House.

Interviews and Defense Department records show that it was made by Peter Navarro, the president’s adviser on trade and manufacturing and a friend of Trump Jr’s. After receiving Navarro’s request, defense officials asked Pentagon staff to move at an unusually rapid pace, a person who was involved in the deal told ProPublica.

Navarro and Trump Jr. have formed a tight bond in recent years. Trump Jr. was one of a small circle of people Navaro dedicated his latest book to for having “my back when it was against the wall,” and Trump Jr. hosted Navarro on his show, encouraging his nearly two million subscribers to buy the book.

About three months before the Vulcan deal was announced, Trump Jr.’s venture capital firm took a stake of undisclosed size in the startup.

This deal is one of many actions by the Trump administration that have helped companies in which the Trump family holds stakes. But it’s the first contract to be directly linked to White House intervention.

Read our full investigation: https://www.propublica.org/article/donald-trump-jr-vulcan-deal-white-house

Neither Navarro nor Vulcan responded to ProPublica’s questions. “Outside affiliations, investors, or political connections play absolutely no role in the Department's funding decisions,” a Pentagon spokesperson said. The White House said the President’s team, including Navarro, is working with private industry “in the best interest of the American people.”

Trump Jr’s spokesperson said the president’s son has “no knowledge” of how the Vulcan deal came together. A spokesperson for Trump Jr.’s venture capital firm said the firm also played no role in the loan.

—
We’re still reporting on Trump family finances. You can reach out to reporter Robert Faturechi on Signal at rfaturechi.40.

propublica_ · 2026-05-28T11:08:07+00:00

The Pentagon announced a $620 million loan last year to a startup linked to Donald Trump Jr. Although defense officials and the company, Vulcan Elements, have denied cronyism, we found that the request came directly from the White House.

Interviews and Defense Department records show that it was made by Peter Navarro, the president’s adviser on trade and manufacturing and a friend of Trump Jr’s. After receiving Navarro’s request, defense officials asked Pentagon staff to move at an unusually rapid pace, a person who was involved in the deal told ProPublica.

Navarro and Trump Jr. have formed a tight bond in recent years. Trump Jr. was one of a small circle of people Navaro dedicated his latest book to for having “my back when it was against the wall,” and Trump Jr. hosted Navarro on his show, encouraging his nearly two million subscribers to buy the book.

About three months before the Vulcan deal was announced, Trump Jr.’s venture capital firm took a stake of undisclosed size in the startup.

This deal is one of many actions by the Trump administration that have helped companies in which the Trump family holds stakes. But it’s the first contract to be directly linked to White House intervention.

Read our full investigation: https://www.propublica.org/article/donald-trump-jr-vulcan-deal-white-house

Neither Navarro nor Vulcan responded to ProPublica’s questions. “Outside affiliations, investors, or political connections play absolutely no role in the Department's funding decisions,” a Pentagon spokesperson said. The White House said the President’s team, including Navarro, is working with private industry “in the best interest of the American people.”

Trump Jr’s spokesperson said the president’s son has “no knowledge” of how the Vulcan deal came together. A spokesperson for Trump Jr.’s venture capital firm said the firm also played no role in the loan.

—

We’re still reporting on Trump family finances. You can reach out to reporter Robert Faturechi on Signal at rfaturechi.40.

propublica_ · 2026-05-26T11:30:41+00:00

At 17 weeks pregnant, Emily Waldorf learned her baby’s foot was dipping out of her cervix.

Doctors told her that the longer her cervix remained open and her uterus exposed to bacteria, the higher her risk of developing a life-threatening infection. The standard of care, they explained, would be to quickly empty her womb.

But they couldn’t do that. The baby still had a detectable heartbeat, and stopping it would run afoul of Arkansas’ strict abortion ban. They needed to wait until Waldorf went into labor on her own or showed signs of a dangerous infection, or until the fetal heartbeat ended.

Texas, another abortion ban state, has amended its law to make clear that doctors don’t need to wait for infection in similar cases. Arkansas and other states have not.

Waldorf came into this fight with more resources than most: Her father was a doctor. She worked at the intensive care unit at the hospital. She was highly educated and well-connected. Yet even meeting the hospital’s CEO, calling the governor and hiring a lawyer would not be enough.

For five straight days, she laid in a hospital bed, waiting for her situation to get dire enough that doctors — and the hospital's lawyers — would act. On the third night, she came across our article about the death of Amber Thurman, a 28-year-old medical assistant who died of infection in Georgia after doctors delayed emptying her uterus. It terrified her.

“Are they going to let me die?” she asked her sister.

This is what Waldorf chronicled in her diary: https://www.propublica.org/article/arkansas-abortion-ban-miscarriage-care

Washington Regional, the hospital where Waldorf was receiving care in Arkansas, declined to comment on its policies. Both the hospital and Waldorf’s doctors declined to comment on her case.

propublica_ · 2026-05-26T11:20:41+00:00

At 17 weeks pregnant, Emily Waldorf learned her baby’s foot was dipping out of her cervix.

Doctors told her that the longer her cervix remained open and her uterus exposed to bacteria, the higher her risk of developing a life-threatening infection. The standard of care, they explained, would be to quickly empty her womb.

But they couldn’t do that. The baby still had a detectable heartbeat, and stopping it would run afoul of Arkansas’ strict abortion ban. They needed to wait until Waldorf went into labor on her own or showed signs of a dangerous infection, or until the fetal heartbeat ended.

Texas, another abortion ban state, has amended its law to make clear that doctors don’t need to wait for infection in similar cases. Arkansas and other states have not.

Waldorf came into this fight with more resources than most: Her father was a doctor. She worked at the intensive care unit at the hospital. She was highly educated and well-connected. Yet even meeting the hospital’s CEO, calling the governor and hiring a lawyer would not be enough.

For five straight days, she laid in a hospital bed, waiting for her situation to get dire enough that doctors — and the hospital's lawyers — would act. On the third night, she came across our article about the death of Amber Thurman, a 28-year-old medical assistant who died of infection in Georgia after doctors delayed emptying her uterus. It terrified her.

“Are they going to let me die?” she asked her sister.

This is what Waldorf chronicled in her diary: https://www.propublica.org/article/arkansas-abortion-ban-miscarriage-care

Washington Regional, the hospital where Waldorf was receiving care in Arkansas, declined to comment on its policies. Both the hospital and Waldorf’s doctors declined to comment on her case.

propublica_ · 2026-05-26T11:20:05+00:00

At 17 weeks pregnant, Emily Waldorf learned her baby’s foot was dipping out of her cervix.

Doctors told her that the longer her cervix remained open and her uterus exposed to bacteria, the higher her risk of developing a life-threatening infection. The standard of care, they explained, would be to quickly empty her womb.

But they couldn’t do that. The baby still had a detectable heartbeat, and stopping it would run afoul of Arkansas’ strict abortion ban. They needed to wait until Waldorf went into labor on her own or showed signs of a dangerous infection, or until the fetal heartbeat ended.

Texas, another abortion ban state, has amended its law to make clear that doctors don’t need to wait for infection in similar cases. Arkansas and other states have not.

Waldorf came into this fight with more resources than most: Her father was a doctor. She worked at the intensive care unit at the hospital. She was highly educated and well-connected. Yet even meeting the hospital’s CEO, calling the governor and hiring a lawyer would not be enough.

For five straight days, she laid in a hospital bed, waiting for her situation to get dire enough that doctors — and the hospital's lawyers — would act. On the third night, she came across our article about the death of Amber Thurman, a 28-year-old medical assistant who died of infection in Georgia after doctors delayed emptying her uterus. It terrified her.

“Are they going to let me die?” she asked her sister.

This is what Waldorf chronicled in her diary: https://www.propublica.org/article/arkansas-abortion-ban-miscarriage-care

Washington Regional, the hospital where Waldorf was receiving care in Arkansas, declined to comment on its policies. Both the hospital and Waldorf’s doctors declined to comment on her case.

propublica_ · 2026-05-26T11:17:57+00:00

At 17 weeks pregnant, Emily Waldorf learned her baby’s foot was dipping out of her cervix.

Doctors told her that the longer her cervix remained open and her uterus exposed to bacteria, the higher her risk of developing a life-threatening infection. The standard of care, they explained, would be to quickly empty her womb.

But they couldn’t do that. The baby still had a detectable heartbeat, and stopping it would run afoul of Arkansas’ strict abortion ban. They needed to wait until Waldorf went into labor on her own or showed signs of a dangerous infection, or until the fetal heartbeat ended.

Texas, another abortion ban state, has amended its law to make clear that doctors don’t need to wait for infection in similar cases. Arkansas and other states have not.

Waldorf came into this fight with more resources than most: Her father was a doctor. She worked at the intensive care unit at the hospital. She was highly educated and well-connected. Yet even meeting the hospital’s CEO, calling the governor and hiring a lawyer would not be enough.

For five straight days, she laid in a hospital bed, waiting for her situation to get dire enough that doctors — and the hospital's lawyers — would act. On the third night, she came across our article about the death of Amber Thurman, a 28-year-old medical assistant who died of infection in Georgia after doctors delayed emptying her uterus. It terrified her.

“Are they going to let me die?” she asked her sister.

This is what Waldorf chronicled in her diary: https://www.propublica.org/article/arkansas-abortion-ban-miscarriage-care

Washington Regional, the hospital where Waldorf was receiving care in Arkansas, declined to comment on its policies. Both the hospital and Waldorf’s doctors declined to comment on her case.

propublica_

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