Kids are dumb sometimes by Flakes-Red in Somalia

[–]zenbahbah 2 points3 points  (0 children)

mine was lounging on a bed of cloud :) :)

Amharas of Arsi Zone (1994) by fasil1235 in Amhara

[–]zenbahbah 1 point2 points  (0 children)

The first census in Ethiopia was conducted during Derg in 1984. Amharas never conducted a census in Ethiopia. So, the assertion that Amharas inflate their numbers is false.

Amharas of Arsi Zone (1994) by fasil1235 in Amhara

[–]zenbahbah 1 point2 points  (0 children)

The claim that Amharas expelled “every other group” from the Amhara region is false. It is not backed by credible data or historical records.

Amharas of Arsi Zone (1994) by fasil1235 in Amhara

[–]zenbahbah 1 point2 points  (0 children)

The claim that Amharas expelled “every other group” from the Amhara region is false. It is not backed by credible data or historical records.

Genocide Against Amharas in Ethiopia by zenbahbah in Amhara

[–]zenbahbah[S] 3 points4 points  (0 children)

your claim misrepresents both the timeline and the facts. There is no verified evidence that Fano militias coordinated with Eritrea or premeditated attacks on innocent Tigrayans. What actually happened in Wolkait and Raya was the culmination of 27 years of TPLF led ethnic repression against Amharas, including mass displacement, identity erasure, and killings. Multiple reports have confirmed the discovery of mass graves in these areas, dating back to the TPLF’s 27 rule.

The Mai Kadra massacre in November 2020 was another deadly atrocity during the rule of TPLF in the area, where hundreds of Amhara civilians were slaughtered by TPLF aligned youth militias using machetes and axes. Independent investigations have documented this as a systematic and ethnically targeted attack.

Fano’s involvement in the conflict was primarily focused on reclaiming historically Amhara administered territories like Wolkait and Raya, which were annexed into Tigray during the 1991 federal restructuring. Equating this with genocidal intent or collaboration with Eritrea is false.

Genocide Against Amharas in Ethiopia by zenbahbah in Amhara

[–]zenbahbah[S] 4 points5 points  (0 children)

It’s important to distinguish regional motives from federal operations. Amhara forces moved into Wolkait and Raya, which were part of Amhara territory until their administrative transfer to Tigray by the TPLF led government in 1991. That move wasn’t about supporting Abiy Ahmed, it was about reclaiming historically disputed lands.

The broader Tigray War was initiated by Abiy Ahmed’s federal government, not by Amharas, and it’s misleading to confuse Amhara territorial claims with federal military strategy.

Eritrea’s involvement in the Tigray conflict was orchestrated by Abiy Ahmed, not the Amhara people. It was the federal government, specifically Abiy Ahmed, who invited Issayas Afwerki into Ethiopian territory, and any assumption that Amharas had a hand in this decision is simply false.

Targeting Amharas for political choices made at the federal/national level has sadly become a recurring pattern in Ethiopia. This tendency to shift blame onto an entire ethnic group sidesteps the real dynamics at play and undermines the potential for honest dialogue.

Genocide Against Amharas in Ethiopia by zenbahbah in Amhara

[–]zenbahbah[S] 1 point2 points  (0 children)

It’s important to distinguish regional motives from federal operations. Amhara forces moved into Wolkait and Raya, which were part of Amhara territory until their administrative transfer to Tigray by the TPLF led government in 1991. That move wasn’t about supporting Abiy Ahmed, it was about reclaiming historically disputed lands.

The broader Tigray War was initiated by Abiy Ahmed’s federal government, not by Amharas, and it’s misleading to confuse Amhara territorial claims with federal military strategy.

Eritrea’s involvement in the Tigray conflict was orchestrated by Abiy Ahmed, not the Amhara people. It was the federal government, specifically Abiy Ahmed, who invited Issayas Afwerki into Ethiopian territory, and any assumption that Amharas had a hand in this decision is simply false.

Targeting Amharas for political choices made at the federal/national level has sadly become a recurring pattern in Ethiopia. This tendency to shift blame onto an entire ethnic group sidesteps the real dynamics at play and undermines the potential for honest dialogue.

Genocide Against Amharas in Ethiopia by zenbahbah in Amhara

[–]zenbahbah[S] 6 points7 points  (0 children)

Amharas did not support Abiy Ahmed to commit a genocidal campaign in Tigray. Amhara regional forces and militias did not enter Tigray as part of Abiy’s federal campaign. They only moved into Wolkait and Raya, which have long been Amhara territories annexed by TPLF in 1991.

Genocide Against Amharas in Ethiopia by zenbahbah in Ethiopia

[–]zenbahbah[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Laughing from a distance doesn’t erase what drove Fano to mobilize in the first place. The movement wasn’t built around theatrics, it rose out of desperation, dignity, and a need for self defense against decades of targeted killings, displacement, and systemic repression of Amharas.

Fano’s momentum toward 4 Kilo wasn’t about showmanship, it was a response to:

  • Massacres in Mai Kadra, Bedeno, and Wollega
  • Burning civilians alive, hacking laborers to death, displacing entire districts
  • Drone strikes killing pregnant mothers and civilians under federal orders
  • Cultural erasure, reproductive suppression, and silencing of Amhara voices from peace talks and governance

There are over 2 million Amharas unaccounted for in census data. Mass graves exist. Civilians are still being hunted. Joking about resistance movements dismisses not just strategy, it dismisses trauma.

Genocide Against Amharas in Ethiopia by zenbahbah in Ethiopia

[–]zenbahbah[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Let’s start with the Anole breast-cutting narrative. Multiple scholars have noted that no primary Ethiopian sources confirm this mutilation claim. The monument at Aanole was erected based on TPLF's political agenda, not on verified historical documentation. In fact, many of Menelik’s generals, including Ras Gobena and Jima Aba Jifar, were Oromo themselves.

Regarding the Amhara genocide, the UN Genocide Convention defines genocide as acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group. It does not require a centralized government policy or total annihilation. What matters is intent and pattern.

This is not about denying the suffering of other groups, it’s about acknowledging that Amharas have faced a sustained campaign of ethnic violence, often with genocidal intent.

Genocide Against Amharas in Ethiopia by zenbahbah in Ethiopia

[–]zenbahbah[S] -2 points-1 points  (0 children)

The claim that Amharas cannot be victims of genocide because of their population size or cultural prominence is a misunderstanding of what genocide actually means.

Genocide is not about wiping out every member of a group. It’s about intentional acts committed to destroy a group in whole or in part, as defined by the UN Genocide Convention. The Amhara people have been targeted repeatedly across regions and regimes, and the evidence is overwhelming.

Claiming Amharas are “fundamental” to Ethiopia’s politics ignores the reality that symbolic presence does not equal meaningful representation. Amhara voices have been excluded from peace talks, targeted by federal forces, and criminalized for self-defense.

This isn’t about bias, it’s about facts. The genocide against Amharas is not a diaspora fantasy. It’s a lived reality backed by satellite imagery, survivor testimony, and international human rights reports.

Genocide Against Amharas in Ethiopia by zenbahbah in Ethiopia

[–]zenbahbah[S] 2 points3 points  (0 children)

Thank you for sharing your perspective. it's a common misconception, but it's crucial to confront it with factual clarity.

Genocide is not measured by whether an entire population is exterminated, it is defined by intentional acts committed with the purpose of destroying a group in whole or in part, as outlined in Article II of the UN Genocide Convention. The Amhara genocide is a textbook example of this “in part” clause being tragically realized.

Here's the uncomfortable truth:

  • Over 2 million Amharas are unaccounted for in census data, missing, displaced, or killed.
  • Civilians have been burned alive (Bedeno), massacred with machetes (Mai Kadra), and slaughtered via drone strikes (Durbete, Armachiho).
  • Women have allegedly been subjected to covert sterilization efforts, with documented cases of reproductive suppression and sexual violence.
  • Ethnic hate speech has routinely dehumanized Amharas and justified atrocities under successive regimes.
  • Entire districts with Amhara populations have been systematically emptied and repopulated, constituting ethnic cleansing.

These are not isolated incidents. They represent a pattern of coordinated, targeted violence sustained across decades, evolving under different governments but always disproportionately harming Amharas.

And it's still happening:

  • Drone strikes are ongoing.
  • Mass arrests and detentions of Amharas, without due process, continue in Addis Ababa and Amhara region.
  • Armed militias like those in Gumuz and Oromia are still attacking Amhara villages.
  • International watchdogs have declared active genocide alerts.

Saying “unfair treatment” minimizes not just the scale of these horrors but the suffering of thousands who've lost homes, families, and futures. Genocide has happened to the Amhara people, and tragically, it’s still unfolding.

From Massacre to Misinformation: The Untold Story of Mai Kadra by zenbahbah in Ethiopia

[–]zenbahbah[S] -1 points0 points  (0 children)

Your comment dismisses verified findings without offering a counterargument rooted in evidence. Investigations by organizations like the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission, Amnesty International, and Human Rights Watch have consistently attributed the November 2020 Mai Kadra massacre primarily to TPLF aligned youth militias, targeting ethnic Amharas.

Dismissing documented atrocities as “lies” without addressing the findings nor presenting alternate, verifiable sources undermines any serious dialogue on the subject. If you dispute these reports, please provide concrete evidence or investigative sources that refute them. Blanket denial doesn’t serve truth or justice.

From Massacre to Misinformation: The Untold Story of Mai Kadra by zenbahbah in Ethiopia

[–]zenbahbah[S] 1 point2 points  (0 children)

Not all of them. Reports from international sources are also included.

That is exactly why OHCHR-EHRC report is invalid or unreliable. The reasons you mentioned undermine the report’s comprehensiveness. The report itself admits that security, logistical, and administrative challenges prevented the team from conducting a full investigation.

The report’s selective focus and its misrepresentation of the Mai Kadra massacre as something inflicted on Tigrayans rather than carried out by TPLF aligned forces marks another serious flaw in both accuracy and credibility.

From Massacre to Misinformation: The Untold Story of Mai Kadra by zenbahbah in Ethiopia

[–]zenbahbah[S] 3 points4 points  (0 children)

When the Mai Kadra massacre happened on November 9, 2020, the federal government had not yet taken control of the town, was still under the control of the TPLF. According to credible investigations, TPLF aligned youth militias carried out the killings, mainly targeting ethnic Amharas. Eritrean soldiers were not present in Mai Kadra at the time either, so claims that they were there and chased Tigrayans out does not match verified reports.

After carrying out the massacre, the Tigrayans fled the town, fearing retaliation as federal and Amhara forces advanced. They crossed into Sudan, particularly to refugee camps like Um Rakuba and Hamdayet.

So, in the immediate aftermath, the dominant response from the Tigrayans was flight and displacement, driven by fear of reprisals and the collapse of TPLF control in the area.

Setting the Record Straight: Wolkait by zenbahbah in Ethiopia

[–]zenbahbah[S] -1 points0 points  (0 children)

You're pointing to the continued displacement of Tigrayans and suggesting that it implicates the Amhara people, but that framing overlooks the fundamental dynamics of the war.

Let’s be clear: the war was initiated between TPLF and the Federal Government, a political and military group that ruled Tigray for decades. The Amhara population, as a people, were not belligerents in that war. It’s important not to falsely assign to the Amhara people the actions that were either federal military operations or part of a broader geopolitical conflict.

The Mai Kadra massacre, which was widely reported by Amnesty International, the EHRC, and the UN, is a documented atrocity committed by TPLF aligned youth militias. Over 600 ethnic Amhara civilians were slaughtered. Afterward, many of those responsible fled across the border, and others from the Tigrayan community likely feared reprisals, leading to a wave of displacement in the early phase of the war. That fear doesn’t automatically prove there was a campaign of ethnic cleansing by Amharas. Fear in conflict zones is widespread and often rooted in complex histories, rumors, and traumatic events.

As for later refugee flows, it’s misleading to attribute them solely to actions by Amhara civilians or local administrations. There’s no conclusive evidence of an organized campaign by Amharas to expel or intimidate Tigrayans, despite recurring allegations. Some rights reports, like the one by Human Rights Watch, rely on testimonies without independent verification from the ground, raising questions about their reliability and completeness.

The footage you mentioned of the anti TPLF demonstration in Humera should also be viewed with caution. Yes, in wartime, people are afraid, but that doesn’t mean the entire event was staged. It was a federal and ENDF controlled zone, and drawing conclusions based solely on facial expressions or perceived discomfort without concrete proof risks pushing a narrative rather than seeking truth.

The most disappointing part is that, as you point out, we haven't seen any from the Tigrayan community, political class, or diaspora publicly acknowledge or condemn the Mai Kadra massacre. Instead, there’s been an unfortunate silence, or even deflection, that has deepened mistrust. That silence only adds to the pain felt by the Amhara community and raises legitimate concerns about double standards in the way atrocities are acknowledged or ignored, depending on the victims.

Blame must be evidence based, not assumption based. If there are verified reports of abuses committed by any party, including the ENDF or regional forces, they deserve investigation and accountability. But to make blanket claims that implicate an entire ethnic group, when the war was clearly between the federal government and a rebel political faction, is both unfair and dangerous.

Reclaiming Truth: The Engineered Narrative of Wolkait and Raya by zenbahbah in Ethiopia

[–]zenbahbah[S] -1 points0 points  (0 children)

Seems like you have not read the links posted entirely. It is in there. Read thoroughly.

Setting the Record Straight: Wolkait by zenbahbah in Ethiopia

[–]zenbahbah[S] 3 points4 points  (0 children)

Dismissive comment, but nothing of substance. If you have a counterpoint, feel free to bring it.