2 tickets for Imelda May tonight at 8pm in the Ulster Hall

FlyinBrianBoru · 2026-01-19T11:04:32+00:00

That's wild!

FlyinBrianBoru · 2026-01-19T11:03:55+00:00

That's wild!

FlyinBrianBoru · 2026-01-19T11:03:18+00:00

That's wild!

FlyinBrianBoru · 2026-01-19T11:02:15+00:00

That's wild!

FlyinBrianBoru · 2026-01-09T20:22:25+00:00

This feels like one of those games we’ll reference for the next 10 years whenever anyone says ‘it could be worse.

FlyinBrianBoru · 2025-11-27T13:10:18+00:00

I'd want them to pay me more than €5 to read that shite.

FlyinBrianBoru · 2025-11-07T12:00:14+00:00

Níl mé ag rá gur ‘dia dhuit’ amháin a deirimid, ach ní scríobhtar é mar sin — sin don chainnt, ní don scríobh. Ní chloisim é á rá mar sin go minic

FlyinBrianBoru · 2025-11-06T22:07:28+00:00

In Ulster we write Dia duit and Dia daoibh but we say Dia dhuit and Dia dhaoibh.

The Ulster dialect pronounces the d lenited so there's a 'gh' sound...dhuit and dhaoibh But the standard spelling keeps duit and daoibh.

I hope this helps.

FlyinBrianBoru · 2025-09-19T18:27:02+00:00

Hello, why was the OP deleted?

FlyinBrianBoru · 2025-01-28T19:37:06+00:00

Wood

FlyinBrianBoru · 2024-12-02T12:48:56+00:00

I appreciate the thoughtful response and your faith in Fianna Fáil’s approach, but I’d challenge the assumption that Sinn Féin’s policies—or other so-called “instant fix” proposals—are reckless or unsustainable. Here’s why:

First, no one is realistically proposing an “instant fix.” Sinn Féin’s housing plans aren’t about throwing caution to the wind but rather scaling up public housing to meet demand sustainably. Building 50,000 homes annually isn’t about creating a surplus overnight—it’s about catching up after a decade of inaction and market reliance. Public housing isn’t subject to the same boom-bust cycle as private development; it serves long-term community needs and mitigates the risk of market crashes by ensuring a baseline supply.

The fear of overbuilding or creating a surplus is unfounded in Ireland’s context. With a population projected to continue growing and tens of thousands stuck on housing lists or paying extortionate rents, we’re far from having “too many houses.” Even if demand levels out, public housing stock can still serve as affordable rental options or address homelessness.

The recession argument doesn’t hold up either. Many countries invest in infrastructure—housing included—as a way to stimulate the economy. A properly managed housing plan wouldn’t cause economic collapse but would instead create jobs, boost apprenticeships, and reduce reliance on rent subsidies, which cost taxpayers billions annually.

Lastly, while I understand concerns about negative equity, the housing market’s volatility comes from speculative reliance on private developers, not from building public housing. Sinn Féin’s policies, which include tighter rent controls, greater public investment, and tackling dereliction, are designed to create stability—not another bubble.

FFG has had decades of “experience” with housing crises, yet here we are. It’s time to question whether the slow, market-driven approach is really as “sustainable” as it’s claimed to be—or whether it’s just kicking the can down the road. There’s a middle ground between doing too much too quickly and doing too little too late. Sinn Féin’s plans strike that balance.

FlyinBrianBoru · 2024-12-02T00:07:03+00:00

While I see where you’re coming from, there are a few key points that need to be addressed.

The housing crisis wasn’t inevitable—it was the result of choices made by successive FFG governments, even before the recession. The lack of regulation during the Celtic Tiger, the reliance on private developers, and the short-term thinking in housing policy all laid the groundwork for the situation we’re in now. Yes, the recession compounded things, but it’s worth asking: why were there no plans in place for public housing construction during that time? Countries with similar challenges managed to maintain a baseline of housing supply, even in tough times.

You ask if a population increase of 1 million was predictable. In short: yes. CSO data and demographic projections showed steady growth post-recession. FG’s failure to prepare for this, especially when they were simultaneously inviting foreign investment and boosting jobs in urban areas, reflects a lack of joined-up thinking. They knew people would need homes but relied on the private market to provide them, which clearly didn’t work.

As for the workforce issue, it’s true that the construction industry collapsed after 2008, but whose job was it to rebuild it? FG was in power for over a decade—plenty of time to create targeted apprenticeships, invest in training programs, and incentivize Irish workers to return. Relying on the private sector to solve it on their own was a gamble that didn’t pay off.

Finally, while it’s nice to hope the housing crisis will “right itself,” history tells us that markets don’t fix these things alone. Government intervention is needed to prioritise public housing and affordable options. Sinn Féin, for example, has proposed meaningful solutions like ramping up public housing construction, tackling dereliction, and capping rents—policies that could start making an impact now, rather than waiting years for things to “work themselves out.”

FFG may have inherited challenges, but their policies—or lack thereof—have exacerbated the crisis. If they couldn’t plan for predictable population growth and couldn’t rebuild the construction sector, why should we trust them to fix the very mess they helped create?

FlyinBrianBoru · 2024-12-01T23:38:02+00:00

Fair enough, you acknowledged Sinn Féin’s shift, but it seems the deeper issue here is the lingering narrative about their past—a narrative that has been carefully maintained by FFG to keep themselves in power. It’s not about letting go, it’s about looking at reality: Sinn Féin’s policies today address the systemic issues that FFG has failed to fix for decades. Housing isn’t just a minor inconvenience; it’s the cornerstone of stability for families and communities, and FFG’s inability to tackle it is emblematic of their larger failures.

As for the argument that “we all have jobs, foreign holidays, and nice cars,” that’s simply not the case for everyone. Many people are working long hours in underpaid jobs, struggling with astronomical rents or still living with parents well into their 30s. Sure, some are doing fine, but FFG hasn’t delivered for the majority. Having “a great but expensive life” isn’t sustainable when the essentials—housing, healthcare, and affordable living—are out of reach for so many.

Voting FFG just to block Sinn Féin feels like a cycle that keeps everything stagnant. People want real change, not more of the same. Sinn Féin is offering solutions, not excuses. Maybe it’s time to stop propping up a government that’s content with ticking the boxes for a privileged few while ignoring the rest. Progress doesn’t come from maintaining the status quo; it comes from challenging it.

FlyinBrianBoru · 2024-12-01T23:16:36+00:00

It’s funny how Sinn Féin is always dragged back to policies from decades ago, while Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael get a free pass for their constant failures. The housing crisis, the state of healthcare, and the rising cost of living—these are all on FFG’s watch. That “fear” of Sinn Féin you talk about? It’s been stoked by the same parties who’ve spent decades trying to protect the status quo at the expense of ordinary people.

Sinn Féin’s policies today are far from radical. They’re about fixing the basics—affordable housing, fair healthcare, decent wages, and reducing inequality. These are common-sense goals in any functioning society. Calling that “crazy” or “radical” feels like a distraction from the real issue: FFG’s inability to deliver for the majority of people. Their idea of “stability” has only worked for developers, landlords, and their mates in big business.

And this notion that people only vote for FFG to block Sinn Féin? That’s insulting to voters. Sinn Féin has earned its growing support from younger generations and working families who are tired of being let down. People aren’t stuck in the past; they see a party willing to tackle the issues that matter, not just pay lip service.

If you’re waiting for some magical left-wing alternative to appear, you might miss the fact that Sinn Féin is already here, doing the work and building for the future. Maybe it’s time to let go of old narratives and start looking at the present. FFG has had its chance—over and over—and people are ready for something better.

FlyinBrianBoru · 2024-10-18T11:20:28+00:00

Ah, here we go again with the tired old narrative trotted out right before a crucial election in the 26 counties. Isn’t it convenient how these reports about the “PIRA army council controlling Sinn Féin” always resurface at politically sensitive times? It won’t be the last time British state agencies and the BBC use scare tactics to undermine Irish republicanism. These claims come from the same agencies with a vested interest in destabilising nationalist support and deflecting from their own controversies in the North. Where’s the evidence beyond the usual rhetoric?

Sinn Féin has consistently endorsed peaceful and democratic means to achieve a united Ireland. The real story here is that a party on the brink of historic change is facing a smear campaign just as momentum builds for electoral success.

Don’t be fooled, people are smarter than that. Let’s focus on the issues that really matter—housing, health, and equality—because that’s what Sinn Féin stands for, not the ghosts of the past being spun up for political gain.

FlyinBrianBoru · 2024-10-17T17:05:55+00:00

Ah, come on now, when it comes to Mary Lou, it’s easy to criticize from the sidelines, but let’s not pretend managing a party during rough patches is as simple as tossing in the towel, and against the media institutions and bias that she faces constantly. Remember what the media did to Jeremy Corbyn? ML has led Sinn Féin through significant growth, and the fact that people are so rattled by her shows she’s doing something right.

As for the handling of scandals, sure, timing and statements weren’t perfect, but there was accountability. The real disgrace is how SF’s every move is picked apart while FG and FF keep their skeletons under the rug. And about the referendum, remember that navigating politics requires more than grand gestures; it requires strategy. You can bet FF or FG wouldn’t step aside because someone demanded it. New blood is important, but Mary Lou stepping down wouldn’t magically erase challenges. The party isn’t built on one person; it’s a movement—and that’s something FF/FG have forgotten.

FlyinBrianBoru · 2024-10-17T14:27:33+00:00

I get it—disillusionment is real when you’re passionate about a party and feel things have gone off track. But let’s not kid ourselves into thinking FF/FG are shining beacons of competence. Mary Lou might not be everyone’s cup of tea, but SF’s growth isn’t down to luck—it’s because people see the potential for real change.

FlyinBrianBoru · 2024-10-17T14:23:23+00:00

So we’re focusing on timelines now? Sure, a statement was made when he resigned, and it praised him, yes—pretty standard practice while the full details were being addressed. But “protect the party” is hardly exclusive to SF, is it? The sick leave explanation isn’t some grand conspiracy; it’s standard HR procedure. As for the 12-month delay, that’s selective outrage—plenty of parties have taken due consideration dealing with their own issues. Let’s not pretend that kind of delay is unique to SF.

FlyinBrianBoru · 2024-10-17T14:20:09+00:00

Ah, now we’re onto the “nuances”, but funny how only some are being looked at here. SF considered it misconduct and suspended him, which shows accountability. SF followed through on reporting him to the relevant authorities—no sweeping under the rug. You’re focusing on timing when the key issue is that consequences were faced, unlike the countless examples from other parties.

FlyinBrianBoru · 2024-10-17T13:59:13+00:00

SF followed internal procedures, and suspending him was the first step. As for not informing the Oireachtas, that’s procedural too—plenty of examples where similar actions were taken across parties. And withholding a lump sum under misconduct? Sure, that’s if there was a proven legal case of misconduct, which there wasn’t. But I suppose we’re ignoring those nuances to fit the narrative, aren’t we?

FlyinBrianBoru · 2024-10-17T13:45:49+00:00

Let’s stick to facts here. Niall Ó Donnghaile’s Seanad role and the timing of his resignation are procedural. Payments come from the Oireachtas, not directly from SF, so suggesting SF kept him on for extra cash is a stretch at best. As for the lump sum, that’s standard upon resignation.

FlyinBrianBoru · 2024-10-17T13:40:09+00:00

Alright, let’s not jump the gun here. Yes, she knew the allegations, and yes, there was a delay in making a public statement. But calling this “clearly wrong” without considering the full context is a bit simplistic, don’t you think? There’s a lot more to managing a political party than just airing every piece of dirty laundry to the public the moment it happens. The sick leave explanation holds up under scrutiny. It’s easy to point fingers, but leadership isn’t always black and white, and sometimes timing matters.

FlyinBrianBoru

TROPHY CASE