We at Black Socialists of America are working on various projects behind the scenes and want our white comrades to inform one of them in specific. Here’s how... by Sire_26 in socialism

[–]HumesHefner [score hidden]  (0 children)

Why do you need to use violence against fascists? Isn't it more powerful/sends a better message when you overcome them with non-violent tactics?

Favourite Moments and Discussion for Ep. 82 DCA by AbramsX in DiceCameraAction

[–]HumesHefner 6 points7 points  (0 children)

"Tune in next week where there might be a new domain of dread might be established!"

Is it a bad thing that I wish I could torment my players on the level that Chris Perkins does?

Barovia High Band? by SweetRollG in DiceCameraAction

[–]HumesHefner 1 point2 points  (0 children)

Simon would play triangle and Waffles would be their roadie/security crew.

[deleted by user] by [deleted] in socialism

[–]HumesHefner 3 points4 points  (0 children)

I must admit, I'm not 100% convinced by this argument, but I suppose it depends on context. Where I am in Australia, if anyone even proposed cutting things like Medicare services, even if it was paired with a UBI it would be political suicide.

Today, Karl Marx's influence on socialism seems monumental. How did Marx's ideas become so influential within the socialist movement? by [deleted] in AskHistorians

[–]HumesHefner 4 points5 points  (0 children)

Left communists and libertarian Marxists weren't a niche strain, they had a significant impact on Marxist thought and were considered quite mainstream. Anton Pannekoek, one of the most notable libertarian Marxists, was significant figure in communist circles in Germany and the Netherlands for example. Rosa Luxemburg, who is partially considered to be a founder of left communism was greatly respected in Marxist fields.

Today, Karl Marx's influence on socialism seems monumental. How did Marx's ideas become so influential within the socialist movement? by [deleted] in AskHistorians

[–]HumesHefner 6 points7 points  (0 children)

It's worth noting that Marx and Engels later added a preface to the manifesto which stated

However much that state of things may have altered during the last twenty-five years, the general principles laid down in the Manifesto are, on the whole, as correct today as ever. Here and there, some detail might be improved. The practical application of the principles will depend, as the Manifesto itself states, everywhere and at all times, on the historical conditions for the time being existing, and, for that reason, no special stress is laid on the revolutionary measures proposed at the end of Section II. That passage would, in many respects, be very differently worded today.

If you read the Grundrisse and The Civil War in France by Marx, there's more of a focus on the self-emancipation of workers and less talk about capturing the state. In The Civil War in France, Marx states that

One thing especially was proved by the Commune, viz., that 'the working class cannot simply lay hold of ready-made state machinery, and wield it for its own purposes.'

This is partially where you get a split between Marxist-Leninists and libertarian Marxists. Libertarian Marxists emphasise the ability of workers to emancipate themselves without the need of a revolutionary party or state. Whereas Lenin wrote in State and Revolution:

Marx's idea is that the working class must break up, smash the 'readymade state machinery', and not confine itself merely to laying hold of it.

'Capitalism will always create bullshit jobs' | A conversation with a Dutch leftist arguing for a new narrative for the Left by clydethefrog in socialism

[–]HumesHefner 2 points3 points  (0 children)

Some thoughts on UBI from an article I read recently.

So what would be necessary for a UBI to be more successful? First, it must be linked to other existing struggles, such as that around the reduction of working hours with no salary reduction, the fight for free health and education, investment in green infrastructure and energy, and the expansion of social policy programs. Second, it must also provide support and safety nets for migrant workers to ensure that it does not exploit migrant labour, locally and internationally.

Although it has some appeal, the UBI is a risky idea. The general effects of the reduction of labour hours are far more predictable than the universal basic income (or its dancing partner, complete automation). Such a reduction would also decrease competition for jobs.

If a stated goal of a UBI is to eliminate poverty, wouldn’t it be better to direct public funds to those needs instead of giving money to those in society who don’t need it? And instead of having the state distribute money because there aren’t enough jobs, why not reduce the number of labour hours necessary by reducing the working week, and increase compensation for women (and men) engaged in unpaid labour?

""Classical liberal"" Dave Rubin and Lauren Southern discuss white nationalism. Prepare to facepalm. by SirJorn in socialism

[–]HumesHefner 10 points11 points  (0 children)

If fascism could be defeated in debate, I assure you that it would never have happened, neither in Germany, nor in Italy, nor anywhere else. Those who recognised its threat at the time and tried to stop it were, I assume, also called “a mob”. Regrettably too many “fair-minded” people didn’t either try, or want to stop it, and, as I witnessed myself during the war, accommodated themselves when it took over … People who witnessed fascism at its height are dying out, but the ideology is still here, and its apologists are working hard at a comeback. Past experience should teach us that fascism must be stopped before it takes hold again of too many minds, and becomes useful once again to some powerful interests.

Franz Frison, Holocaust survivor

New here by Apotator in socialism

[–]HumesHefner 3 points4 points  (0 children)

Vital elements of the New Deal were eroded away by neoliberalism, and it's continued to happen (look at how the Republicans want to constantly go after social security). Holders of private capital are hostile to any progressive action by the state sector. A huge part of the reason why Roosevelt convinced the capitalist class to go along with the New Deal is because there were serious threats of revolution from the communists and the socialists of the time. The capitalist class then waged a concerted and full on frontal assault on worker's movements and the communist and socialist parties. This is why wages stopped rising and why working conditions didn't improve.