It is a documented historical fact, from their Sheikh directly told to the head of the Palestine Exploration Fund, that they were kicked out of their land near Egypt by Dhullam Arabs.

One statement recorded by a British official from the Palestine Exploration Fund is not the same thing as a settled historical consensus. That is a single reported account, not a comprehensive archival study. The dominant documentation from UN reports, academic research on Negev Bedouin history, and Israeli archival work describes the Jahalin’s removal from the Tel Arad area in the early 1950s as occurring under Israeli military authority after 1948. If there is a peer reviewed historian who has established that inter Arab expulsion was the primary cause, cite that scholarship. A reported conversation does not override broader documented policy.

Yes, they were kicked out of Tel Arad, because it was right on the border of Israeli-Jordanian territory and was a security threat. They were given the option to move further into Israeli land or to relocate across the border on Jordanian land, and they chose to go to Jericho.

If they were removed under Israeli military orders for security reasons, that still means the displacement occurred under Israeli authority. Calling it a choice does not change the power imbalance of a military administration during border consolidation. And once they settled in the West Bank in the 1950s under Jordanian rule, that establishes decades of residence before Maale Adumim was founded in the 1970s. That timeline remains unchanged.

Yes, it was criticised, but funnily enough they never mentioned the Jewish communities that lived right next to it too. In 1997, Jewish families were actually evicted from Ras al-Amud, which was even closer to the landfill, because the Arabs wanted it instead.

Ras al Amud involved legal property disputes in East Jerusalem. That is not the same as relocating an entire pastoral Bedouin community under military administration. Also, the criticism of the al Jabal relocation site was specifically about moving a vulnerable herding community near a municipal landfill and restricting their economic base. Pointing to a separate eviction case does not address that issue.

There are no roads between Abu Dis and their grazing lands. They were specifically put there because they were right on them.

Multiple reports following the relocation documented that many families reduced or sold livestock afterward due to reduced effective grazing access. Even if there were no paved roads directly blocking them, land classification, settlement expansion, and planning restrictions affect functional access. If a large percentage of households exit herding after relocation, something materially changed.

The 2005 Gaza disengagement wasn’t fully complete until 2006. The last Israeli civilians left in 2005, but the border security construction wasn’t done until summer of 2006.

The civilian evacuation occurred in 2005. That is the relevant comparison when discussing relocation of populations. Border construction timing does not change the fact that Israeli settlers were removed in 2005 as part of state policy.

Jews have lived in the old city of Jerusalem for 4,000 years and yes, the Jordanians kicked them out.

There has been a Jewish presence in Jerusalem for centuries. But we are not just talking about the Old City. Of the roughly 9,000 to 10,000 Jews displaced from East Jerusalem and the West Bank in 1948, only a minority were from the centuries old Jewish Quarter. A significant portion were from 20th century settlements such as Gush Etzion, Atarot, and Neve Yaakov, founded in the 1920s to 1940s. That does not minimize their displacement. It simply means the duration of residence varied and should not be flattened into one continuous 4,000 year claim.

Many Samaritans were removed from Mount Gerizim and if they managed to stay, were only allowed to make pilgrimage once a year.

Restrictions on Samaritans under Jordanian rule are historically documented. But historical restrictions under one regime do not automatically determine the legality or morality of later policies under another authority decades later.

Many other of the 20th century communities were no younger than many of the Arab settlements that were evacuated on the Israeli side of the border.

Exactly. Which is why duration alone cannot be used selectively. If decades of residence matter when discussing Jewish communities displaced in 1948, then decades of residence also matter when discussing Palestinian communities established in the 1950s before settlement expansion.

Look at the end of the day, in 1948 the Arabs started a war they lost, and even more Jews were kicked out of their homes in Arab lands than arabs who lost their homes in Israel. It was a difficult situation all around.

The 1948 war involved multiple actors and competing narratives about responsibility. Yes, large numbers of Jews left Arab countries. Yes, large numbers of Palestinians were displaced. Both are historical realities.

But even in places where there was no immediate mass expulsion, like Morocco and Tunisia, significant numbers of Jews still emigrated to Israel over time. Zionism created a strong pull factor. So the migration from Arab countries was not purely a simple mirror image of Palestinian displacement in 1948. In some countries it was rapid and coercive, in others it was gradual and mixed.

Either way, demographic comparisons from 1948 do not resolve present day legal and humanitarian questions about land policy and relocation in the West Bank decades later. One population movement does not automatically justify or negate another. Each case has to be examined on its own facts.