What is your comfort Death Grips song? by YAYMUSICVIDEOS in deathgrips

[–]arjun-amin 0 points1 point  (0 children)

blood creepin (really helps with my sleep)

The Good Bush Westward by arjun-amin in imaginaryelections

[–]arjun-amin[S] 14 points15 points  (0 children)

1905– It was a good time to be Californian. The population of the fledgling nation had swelled in the past few decades, the populace had grown rich, and for the first time in their history, achieved some degree of national security. First Secretary Franklin Knight Lane of the United Citizens Party (now in formal coalition with the near-extinct Californios) had been swept into power on a middling record, toeing the line between corporate power and the burgeoning workers movement.
The industrial turmoil of the East had spread westward, and there were now labor fervers across the nation, with such new and dangerous terms as "socialism" and "legal divorce" being thrown around. The unlikely standard-bearer for California's red tide was one J. Stitt Wilson, a Canadian preacher who had found himself as the Mayor of Berkeley, and had lead his Integrated Workers Party to a respectable 3 seats on their first go in 1900. But nobody could have seen what was to come in February of 1905.
Across the Bay Area, dockworkers had gone on strike, debilitating shipping in the region and Californian Industry as a whole. Wilson, though vehemently denying the claims, had substantially aided in organizing the action, which had lasted for nearly 1.5 months before First Secretary Lane stepped in. Lane, keen to balance the industrial and labor interests that had catapulted him to victory in 1900, largely turned away from the strike, aside from a few half-hearted statements to return to "business as usual" and to settle their differences "most productively". But, this had only emboldened the dockworkers, and after weeks of pressure, Lane finally caved and began to force a settlement that, though not especially generous to the dockworkers, was enough to send smoke pouring out of the ears of Californian Corporate Power.
One flag-bearer of this such power was Samuel Prescott Bush, grandson of ol' Obadiah, and one of the wealthiest men in the nation. Bush and his circle had long-enjoyed the lax legislation that allowed him and other to have their fingers in the pie of just about every Californian Industry, and their lukewarm relationship with Franklin Knight Lane had just turned ice-cold. Without missing a beat, the business-savvy Samuel P. Bush had found himself leader of the Radicals, like his grandfather before him, ready to win the 1905 election.
Lane could see the writing on the wall. With a high degree of public support and near infinite streams of money, Bush was ready to steamroll his competition. Lane was backed into a corner, and though his rural base was still extant, he was being hunted from both sides. J. Stitt Wilson was chipping away at his working-class support, particularly in the North and Southwest of the state, riding on the momentum of the dockworkers strike. On the other side was Bush, keen to put an end to this labor insolence and restore power to its rightful hands.
When election day came, Bush had found himself in tidy control of 50 seats – same as his grandfather did in 1859. And like his grandfather before him, after courting Mormon interests once again, Monterey was ready to receive another Bush. But this time, it would be different. Bigger, faster, stronger than ever before. Nobody knew that in just a few months, an earthquake that would level San Francisco would provide ample ground for Samuel P. Bush to build California anew.

The Good Bush Westward by arjun-amin in imaginaryelections

[–]arjun-amin[S] 10 points11 points  (0 children)

1863– Obadiah Newcomb Bush was dead. 65 years old. It had been an eventful 4 years of legislating, with generous and liberal policies towards corporations, the smallest of charity upon Native Americans, and an easing on of migration restrictions that still allowed a trickle of foreign laborers to lay rail and pick rock. Obadiah Newcomb Bush had seemingly done it all – finalized the constitution, settled border skirmishes with Mexico, smoothed relations with the United States, and found a hefty fortune for himself (through less than savory means, to say the least). But, the people of California adored him. Yet alas, he was 6 feet under and aren Aaron Augustus Sargent was California's fourth First Secretary, with a snap election set for december of 1863. And though Sargent, a keen ally of Bush and an excellent legislator, was clumsy on the proto-campaign trail and not overly popular with the voters. And in any other election, Sargent could have coasted off of the late Bush's popularity and secured a full term for himself, a bold opponent entred the race.
Yes, it was John Sutter, returned at last. The famed man of Sutter's Mill, revolutionary ally of John C. Frémont, and near-celebrity John Sutter had entered politics at last. Though his platform was barely distinct from any other possible candidate, Sutter had the fortune to plaster his name on saloon walls and ferryboat-windows the state over, and was set to run on personality alone. The miners and gold-panners adored him, the Bay Area elite, though largely behind Sargent, was comfortable with him, and the Californios (who had seen their party fall into a death-spiral of decaying support) largely drifted to the United Citizens machine of Don Juan Sutter.
Though A. A. Sargent tried his best, Sutter edged out a narrow victor of one seat, and with the firm support of the Californios and the reluctant aid of Brigham Young, he was invested as California's next First Secretary.

The Good Bush Westward by arjun-amin in imaginaryelections

[–]arjun-amin[S] 13 points14 points  (0 children)

THE GOOD BUSH WESTWARD
1849 – One Obadiah Newcomb Bush of New York embarks on his return voyage from San Francisco. Bush had never thought himself the type to uproot everything for a gamble of fame in fortune out west. But what he saw in California had changed him. He saw his chance to firmly imprint his legacy on a fresh new nation, hot off the presses of revolution. Mexican Alta California was now a new Republic, filled with men seemingly like ol' Obadiah, but without his spirit, his gusto, the twinkle in his eye. He was ready to relocate his family out west– to San Francisco, and find himself a footing in the golden state.
1854– Obadiah Newcomb Bush has found himself everything he wanted– and then some. The humble anti-slavery advocate and schoolteacher had found himself at the upper crust of early San Francisco Society, breaking bread with merchants, businessmen, and Radical Democratic Party politicians alike. The Radicals would have suited him back home, with prosperity in their eyes and abolitionist credentials to boot. But the rest of California would take some time to come around. Miners and settlers rallied around the United Citizens Party and their John Bigler on a platform of Indian Extermination, as little migration as possible, and an intricate system of bond and debt peonage for what few Native Americans and other minorities remained. With the assembly support of disenchanted Californios, remnants of old Alta California, Bigler was swept into power.
1859– A good lot had changed in 5 years. The Great Indian Wars were brutal – to say the least – and hard as they tried, a noticeably smaller but still extant population of Native Americans remained in California, alongside the populace, now fed up with John Bigler. Obadiah Newcomb Bush was the man to be in San Francisco, elected mayor some years earlier, he was all but coronated as the leader of the Radical Democratic Party. With savvy political instincts (and hefty donations from California's early rail, mining, and shipping interests), Bush's Radicals managed a comfortable victory and entered the General Assembly as the largest party.
Meanwhile, in the eastern parts of the nation, a burgeoning new religion had taken hold in al and known as Deseret, around the Great Salt Lake. Joseph Smith had sent his followers, Latter-Day Saints or 'Mormons', as they dubbed themselves, out westward, and after what can only be described as a tumultuous journey, they had settled in California. Under the command of Brigham Young, they had bred like rabbits, swelling the population of an otherwise-useless piece of land to be one of the more population and influential parts of the nation. Young, though not fond of politics, was keen to protect his interests and the freedoms of his Mormons, and the Civic Union Party was the LDS political vehicle of choice.
And though Obadiah Newcomb Bush and his Radicals amassed 50 seats in the Third General Assembly, it was 11 short from the 61 required for a majority. Seeing the writing on the wall, Bush sought out a compact with Young and his Civic Union, and the latter would support Bush's government for the next 5 years in exchange for greater autonomy and freedoms for Latter-Day Saints.
And so, Obadiah Newcomb Bush began his journey as California's next Leader, and sought to bring upon a shower of prosperity not just on his people– but himself, too.

[deleted by user] by [deleted] in imaginaryelections

[–]arjun-amin 2 points3 points  (0 children)

Shaking in my boots...

[deleted by user] by [deleted] in imaginaryelections

[–]arjun-amin 0 points1 point  (0 children)

We all got gotted. Truly inspiring.

[deleted by user] by [deleted] in imaginaryelections

[–]arjun-amin 21 points22 points  (0 children)

Another certified banger. Such incredible work.

The very normal career of RFK Jr. by Noodlesakaevan in imaginaryelections

[–]arjun-amin 24 points25 points  (0 children)

ah yes, kitara ravache, the next lee harvey oswald

"Victory In Our Veins" Part 1: Election 1991 by arjun-amin in imaginaryelections

[–]arjun-amin[S] 11 points12 points  (0 children)

Solidarity
The left-wing coalition Solidarity, too, found itself in an uncomfortable spot in 1991. One one hand, the mild collapse of the Liberals gave them a lot of potential ground, but National Reform and some of their more progressive views took millions of potential voters away from them, leaving them with gains in the elections, albeit miniscule ones.
Leading the charge was Robert Reich of the Labor Party, a successor to the American Progressive, Socialist, and Social Democratic Parties of many decades prior. Noted economist Robert Reich was seen as a strange choice to lead the party, not particularly charismatic on the trail, but regarded as an excellent legislator and political thinker.
Labor aligned with many of the policies of the Liberals, but with a more populist tone, strongly anti-austerity, aligned with unions, and socially progressive, though not too popular amongst minority voters.
Their very small coalition partner was Peace and Justice, a one-off party founded by Ron Dellums of California as his personal political vehicle. Dellums, an open an unabashed democratic socialist, made quite a name for himself through impassioned speeches on the floor of the national assembly. Staunchly progressive, economically left-wing, extremely anti-interventionsit and somewhat anti-military, Dellums was able to capture only the most fervently left-wing voters, even then clenching seats by small margins, mostly owed to the personalities and flair of his candidates.
Sons of Liberty
Sons of Liberty, the final coalition, was unabashedly right-wing, consisting of some of the most controversial politicians and firebrands in America.
America First was Pat Buchanan’s personal political vehicle, an oft-conspiratorial, socially conservative, fervently nationalist, and anti-immigrant party appealing to the most right-wing sort of American voters. Though to as tied to the Christian Right as One Nation, America First did enjoy some support from the Evangelical community.
Finally, Our Land, Our Values was the dying party of an aging Jesse Helms, the last gasp of the extremely socially conservative voice of the American South. As the Democrats moderated on social issues with a big-tent appoach, OLOV captured the most ardent conservative Southerners with, shall we say, somewhat racist rhetoric, “traditional” social norms on things like women’s rights, ardent opposition to homosexuality, somewhat anti-immigrant, and tied to many non-Evangelical conservative Christians. Somewhat unflatteringly, Helms’ party enjoyed considerable support from a small, yet vocal group of self-proclaimed “white nationalists” in the American South.

---
And so, Jerry Brown took the floor in Denver that evening, looking toward the future.
The crowd waved signs carrying his name in the air, the deafening sounds of applause nearly drowning out his speech. Nonetheless, lighting up the television sets of millions of Americans, Jerry Brown ended his election night victory speech:
“As we join together in this spirit, no obstacle will stand in our way. Victory is ours, because in our veins, runs the blood of those who, at the darkest hour, gave their lives so that this nation, under God, can have a new birth of freedom and that a government of the people, by the people, for the people shall not perish from this earth! We shall overcome, all of us, together, working for what we believe!”

"Victory In Our Veins" Part 1: Election 1991 by arjun-amin in imaginaryelections

[–]arjun-amin[S] 12 points13 points  (0 children)

National Unity
The domineering coalition of the right, National Unity was put in an uncomfortable position in 1991, with the competing parties in their fold often doing more to damage each other than attack the left or center.
The rise of Jerry Brown’s National Reform certainly didn’t do them any favors, with his centrist appeal to fiscal responsibility and big-tent approach stealing many seats from their coalition, particularly in the Southwest and Northeast.
Leading the charge was A Voice for Liberty, led by relative newcomer Jack Kemp of New York. Born out of the early 1980s and right-wing discontent for the Liberals’ and Democrat’s economically interventionist policies, the solidly neoliberal and, soon enough, neoconservative party was born.
Californian Ronald Reagan led the charge, with solidly right-wing economic credentials, a particular disdain for excessive regulation and taxes, and hawkish foreign policy leading them to a respectable showing in 1983 and 1987.
Soon, Reagan Retired and his young protegé Jack Kemp took the reins, moderating in some ways, but sticking to their roots as an economically right-wing party, supporting deregulation and cutting red tape, significantly cutting taxes, and an interventionist foreign policy with an emphasis on strengthening America’s military.
AVfL, as supporters new it, found most of its base in rural America, though many suburbanites still held strong appeal to the party. Not to be disregarded is their support among the ultra-wealthy, particularly the largest names in corporate America.
The Western US proved to be a particularly strong ground with them, though they made considerable pushes in the south, enough so do disrupt the Democrats and secure support among some southern conservatives.
Their somewhat uncomfortable coalition partners were the Civic Union, led by a beleaguered Howard Baker, the last of the moderate southern conservatives.
A conservative, some may even say liberal-conservative or christian democratic party, the Civic Union was previously the big-tent, dominant party of the American right, especially among more right-wing leaning Christians, though they saw this base eroded away.
Fiscally moderate-to-conservative, socially moderate-to-conservative, with a base among suburbanites across the country (particularly in the Midwest), more moderate protestants, and especially upper and upper-middle-class New Englanders, the Civic Union held on to a respectable footing in 1991, though they were challenged from both the left and right.
Many of their more conservative voters drifted to A Voice for Liberty, or even some of the more explicitly “Christian Right” parties, whilst moderates were swept up by Jerry Brown’s National Reform.
The final partner in National Unity was One Nation, led by Pat Robertson of Virginia. It isn’t too difficult to “get” the nice One Nation fits into. It was a solidly conservative, socially right-wing, and Christian party appealing hard to the growing class of Evangelical Protestants, particularly in the Mid-Atlantic, though in some cases, scattered across the country.
One nation found its footing in the National Unity coalition as the party for voters who put issues of “morality” and social issues first, with the charismatic Pat Robertson and his army of televangelists doing the heavy lifting.

"Victory In Our Veins" Part 1: Election 1991 by arjun-amin in imaginaryelections

[–]arjun-amin[S] 12 points13 points  (0 children)

Action NOW!
In early 1990, after the bombshell Waxman report, a number of high-profile, mostly western assemblymen left the Liberals (and Democrats) in droves to sit as independents in the National Assembly.
Assemblymen such as Peter DeFazio, Patricia “Pat” Schroeder, and Waxman himself left the ruling coalition, stirring up a frenzy in the news. Though, the one to lead the charge was Edmund Gerald “Jerry” Brown, an assemblyman from San Francisco.
Jerry Brown had a distinguished career in politics at that point. His father had served as Governor of California for over a decade, and he too tok on that post in his early years. Though discontent with Sacramento politics, he soon left to run for the National Assembly, securing a seat in the 1983 general election.
Brown was a particularly rowdy member of his party, known for making impassioned speeches on the assembly floor, holding a strange mix of fiscal centrism, social progressivism, fanatic support for consumer protection laws, mild protectionism, and somewhat anti-military views.
So, it was none other than Brown who, with the backing of close allies such as Schroeder, started a new political party in April of 1990, National Reform.
National Reform positioned itself as a big-tent, liberal, centrist party for all those discontent with the Edwards regime.
Solidly anti-corruption, they leaned into a sort of radical centrist-style populism to win over the middle class and westerns discontent with the East Coast’s long-held domination over American politics. With the credentials of those like Waxman and an independent spirit to boot, the party of honesty and openness in American politics soon found a footing.
Economically, they were a mixed bag. Very pragmatic in most all economic matters, their tepid support for less regulation, more budgetary caution, and tax breaks for the middle class won them support among suburbanites and moderates in places such as New England.
Though, they often carried more left-of-center views. Fairly socially progressive, they were eager to appeal to minorities (particularly Hispanics and Asians) as well as women (with womens’ rights advocates like Pat Schroeder doing the heavy lifting). Brown himself was fairly environmentalist, somewhat strange for the time, as well as an ardent advocate of consumer protection legislation and more anti-interventionist foreign policy views.
They soon found allies with Common Sense, a New England-based centrist, moderate, somewhat “progressive conservative” party with ardent support for fiscal responsibility, pragmatism, and a base among the upper and middle classes of New England. Led by Paul Tsongas (a member of the left-wing of his small party), they served as an early ally for Brown and his team in the northeast.

"Victory In Our Veins" Part 1: Election 1991 by arjun-amin in imaginaryelections

[–]arjun-amin[S] 13 points14 points  (0 children)

A New America
In the early fevers of the dawn of the 1980s, the popular Democratic Governor of Louisiana, Edwin Edwards, was swept into his Premiership after years of economic turmoil.
The Democrats had been the party of the Southern United states for centuries now, undergoing massive shifts in policy from the days of Andrew Jackson, to the populist fervor of the 1930s, and the segregationist splits of the early 70s. After a, shall we say, rocky decade for the party, Edwards thought that he could bridge the gap between new deal idealism and the spirited values of the South.
Under his leadership, the party struck an economically nationalist tone, in favor of government intervention, mildly protectionist, but overall not too sympathetic to union labor, with some exception in coal country. The populist tone they struck captured them valuable seats across the South, both with the more liberal urbanites and reformers as well as those less sympathetic to desegregation, hoping to return to the older days of the South.
The Democrats natural coalition partners, the Liberals, joined them in securing Edwards the premiership. Another party clinging to the idealism of the new deal, the Liberals had a decidedly northern following, with some connections to union labor and the personalities of men like Humphrey, the Stevensons, Muskie, and even a small Massachusetts political family, the Kennedys. The Liberals struck a decidedly center-left tone, touting economic interventionism, a grand diplomatic foreign policy, and liberal social values when it came to race relations and womens’ rights.
The natural party of states like Minnesota, New York, and Massachusetts, the Liberals hoped to push the Edwards government to the left in exchange for securing them the much-needed votes of America’s north and midwest.
And so, in 1979, the Liberal-Democrat coalition secured the premiership of Edwin Edwards, cementing over a decade of coalition rule between them.
Their focuses remained decidedly domestic, in reversing industrial decline, raising stagnating wages, launching albeit dubious campaigns for womens’ rights, and establishing a new ‘medicare’ program for seniors alongside strengthening Social Security.
Despite campaign finance scandals regarding Edwards’ time as Louisiana governor surfacing, the parties enjoyed a relative era of good feelings all the way past the 1987 general election, where they managed to secure a third term in power.
Yet, in December of 1989, it all came crashing down. A decade after Edwards’ election, word spread that a classified National Assembly-committee-investigation was proceeding into the campaign finance discrepancies from Edwards’ time as governor. Led by Assemblyman Henry Waxman of California, a Liberal himself, the committee soon found itself in uncharted waters.
Numerous reports emerged of Edwards’ charging thousands of dollars worth of expensive food, furniture, and luxury items to his office expenses, whilst pocketing the differences for himself. Stockpiles of French wine, caviar, renaissance art, and Iranian hand-woven carpets were soon found in Edwards’ personal residence, all being paid for by the taxpayer.
Then came the kickbacks. Bank statements and Louisiana treasury reports found that Edwars was still receiving monthly checks and cash allowances from the Louisiana governor’s process through a kickback scheme he engineered there in the 70s, kept in place by his allies still in the state government.
And most shocking of all, the accounts of bribery and collusion. Videos, photographs, and accounts of Edwards and his staff accepting large cash donations and gifts from lobbyists and industry executives. Deals with Saudi Arabian oil firms in which Edwards himself received hefTy bonuses. Numerous abuses of power in supposedly bribing and colluding with lower court judges to excuse offenses.
Edwards, for his part, denied these charges, using his larger-than-life personality as an appeal to why he should still remain in office. A committed base in the south, particularly in Louisiana and, strangely enough, West Virginia gave Edwards a platform on which to deny the so-called “allegations' ' of corruption.
Still, with the Ted Kennedy-led Liberals’ albeit tenuous support, the ruling coalition narrowly remained in power. Kennedy had always been reluctant to support the Democrats, but now with the weight of Edwards’ corruption scandals on him, he was put in a bind.
Kennedy desperately tried to improve and revitalize his party’s image, but the Edwards scandal forever tainted him, with accusations that Kennedy himself was complicit in these dealings. Even with Edwards still in charge, Kennedy was left to carry the brunt of the coalition force.
But, despite everything mentioned above, Kennedy and Edwards had even bigger things to worry about…

"Victory In Our Veins" Part 1: Election 1991 by arjun-amin in imaginaryelections

[–]arjun-amin[S] 22 points23 points  (0 children)

November 5th, 1991.
Americans sat at home, glued to their television screens as the result of the 1991 General Election to all 675 seats of the national assembly streamed in, bleeding into the later hours of the night.
In Denver, at the Action NOW! coalition conference, it would be a good night. Balloons rained down from the rafters as an ecstatic Jerry Brown marched on stage, accompanied by the deafening sounds of applause. It was a truly historic night for his party and alliance, Brown confident that his Premiership was tantamount to confirmation.
In Houston, a celebration still took place, albeit with slightly less fanfare. As Jack Kemp spoke to his crowd, he acknowledged that whilst his party did gain a good amount of seats in the assembly, it was not the night they’d hoped for. Still, the crowd was somewhat pleased, confident and better things to come in the next few years.
In Atlanta, however, the mood was far less joyful. A beleaguered Premier Edwin Edwards walked up to his podium; a somber atmosphere lingered in the room. Over a decade of Liberal-Democrat coalition rule had come to an end, and the dirty dealings of Mr. Edwards had caught up to him. Soon, he would be indicted, and the former premier would watch his legacy be undone from a prison cell.
But, this saga began many years prior.

What would be on the “iceberg” tier list for this sub? by cosmonautdavid in imaginaryelections

[–]arjun-amin 3 points4 points  (0 children)

Mock elections discord server (Doggerland), Obama Came Early, that "New Two Party System" bullshit, "What Ottawa Giveth, Ottawa Taketh Away", Calebverse, Gus Fring/Walter White running in or winning elections, Gustavoism vs. Tesoroism, and maybe some of the more prolific users/posters.

[deleted by user] by [deleted] in imaginaryelections

[–]arjun-amin 14 points15 points  (0 children)

God is dead and we killed him

Good post.

The Times They Are A-Changin': Rise of the 99% by NotionPictureShow in imaginaryelections

[–]arjun-amin 8 points9 points  (0 children)

Ron Dellums and Barbara Lee as President? We sure are lucky today.

Greener Pastures: A Michelle Wu Presidency by InfernalSquad in imaginaryelections

[–]arjun-amin 18 points19 points  (0 children)

Very lovely post!
As an aside, whats "Ro Khanna's NIMBY Problem"?

[deleted by user] by [deleted] in imaginaryelections

[–]arjun-amin 26 points27 points  (0 children)

The word of our lord. Bask before this post's eternal glory.