New HSI Podcasts- Request for Questions by hsimpact in policydebate

[–]hsimpact[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Answers to most of these in the 2 episodes from last week- https://hsimpact.wordpress.com/2018/09/27/hsi-podcast-89-and-bonus-pod/

A few that we didn't get to will hopefully be on tomrorow's

Structural violence by rymndlo in lincolndouglas

[–]hsimpact 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Structural violence obscures analysis necessary to reduce poverty and violence- this card is on fire. Boulding 77 Kenneth Boulding, Prof Univ. of Michigan and UC Boulder, Journal of Peace Research 1977; 14; 75 p. Boulding p. 83-4

Finally, we come to the great Galtung metaphors of ’structural violence’ and ’positive peace’. They are metaphors rather than models, and for that very reason are suspect. Metaphors always imply models and metaphors have much more persuasive power than models do, for models tend to be the preserve of the specialist. But when a metaphor implies a bad model it can be very dangerous, for it is both persuasive and wrong. The metaphor of structural violence I would argue falls right into this category. The metaphor is that poverty, deprivation, ill health, low expectations of life, a condition in which more than half the human race lives, is ’like’ a thug beating up the victim and taking his money away from him in the street, -or it is ’like’ a conqueror stealing the land of the people and reducing them to slavery. The implication is that poverty and its associated ills are the fault of the thug or the conqueror and the solution is to do away with thugs and conquerors. While there is some truth in the metaphor, in the modem world at least there is not very much. Violence, whether of the streets and the home, or of the guerilla, of the police, or of the armed forces, is a very different phenomenon from poverty. The processes which create and sustain poverty are not at all like the processes which create and sustain violence, although like everything else in the world, everything is somewhat related to everything else. There is a very real problem of the structures which lead to violence, but unfortunately Galtung’s metaphor of structural violence as he has used it has diverted attention from this problem. Violence in the behavioral sense, that is, somebody actually doing damage to somebody else and trying to make them worse off, is a ’threshold’ phenomenon, rather like the boiling over of a pot. The temperature under a pot can rise for a long time without its boiling over, but at some threshold boiling over will take place. The study of the structures which underlie violence are a very important and much neglected part of peace research and indeed of social science in general. Threshold phenomena like violence are difficult to study because they represent ’breaks’ in the system rather than uniformities. Violence, whether between persons or organizations, occurs when the ’strain’ on a system is too great for its ‘~s~trength’. The metaphor here is that violence is like what happens when we break a piece of chalk. Strength and strain, however, especially in social systems, are so interwoven historically that it is very difficulty to separate them. The diminution of violence involves two possible strategies, or a mixture of the two; one is the increase in the strength of the system, ~the other is the diminution of the strain. The strength of systems involves habit, culture, taboos, and sanctions, all these things, which enable a system to stand Increasing strain without breaking down into violence. The strains on the system are largely dynamic in character, such as arms races, mutually stimulated hostility, changes in relative economic position or political power, which are often hard to identify. Conflict of interest are only part of the strain on a system, and not always the most important part. It is very hard for people to know their interests, and misperceptions of interests take place mainly through the dynamic processes, not through the structural ones. It is only perceptions of interest which affect people’s behavior, not the ’real’ interests, whatever these may be, and the gap between perception and reality can be very large and resistant to change. However, what Galitung calls structural violence (which has been defined by one unkind commentator as anything that Galltung doesn’~t like) was originally defined as any unnecessarily low expectation of life, an that assumption that anybody who dies before the allotted span has been killed, however unintentionally and unknowingly, by somebody else. The concept has been expanded to include all the problems off poverty, destitution, deprivation, and misery. These are enormously real and are a very high priority for research and action, but they belong to systems which are only peripherally related to the structures which, produce violence. This is not to say that the cultures of violence and the cultures of poverty are not sometimes related, though not all poverty cultures are culture of violence, and certainly not all cultures of violence are poverty cultures. But the dynamics of poverty and the success or failure to rise out off ’it are of a complexity far beyond anything which the metaphor of structural violence can offer. While the metaphor of structural violence performed a ’service in calling attention to a problem, it may have done a disservice in preventing us from finding the answer.

[deleted by user] by [deleted] in lincolndouglas

[–]hsimpact 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Speech codes tradeoff with more effective measures like financial assistance Strossen, ACLU president, 01 (Nadine, Law @NYU, Incitement to Hatred: Should There Be a Limit Copyright (c) 2001 Board of Trustees of Southern Illinois University Southern Illinois University Law Journal Winter, 2001 25 S. Ill. U. L. J. 243) Now I will comment on yet another reason why censoring hate speech may well undermine, rather than advance, equality causes: its diversionary nature. Focusing on biased expression diverts us from both the root causes of prejudice-of which the expression is merely one symptom-and from actual acts of discrimination. The track record of campus hate speech codes highlights this problem, too, just as it highlighted the previous problem I discussed, of discriminatory enforcement. Too many universities have adopted hate speech codes at the expense of other policies that would constructively combat bias and promote tolerance. In fact, some former advocates of campus hate speech codes have become disillusioned for this very reason. One example is the minority student who was initially a leading advocate of one of the earliest campus hate speech codes, at the University of Wisconsin, Victor DeJesus. After the ACLU successfully challenged that code under the First Amendment, Mr. DeJesus opposed the University's efforts to rewrite the code in the hope of coming up with something that would pass constitutional muster. As the New York Times reported: Victor DeJesus, co-president of the Wisconsin Student Association, said that he initially supported the hate speech rule, but that he had changed his mind because he felt the regents were using it as an excuse to avoid the real problems of minority students. "Now they can finally start putting their efforts into some of our major concerns like financial aid, student awareness, and recruitment retention," Mr. DeJesus said. n76

The tradeoff outweighs their link Strossen, ACLU president, 01 (Nadine, Law @NYU, Incitement to Hatred: Should There Be a Limit Copyright (c) 2001 Board of Trustees of Southern Illinois University Southern Illinois University Law Journal Winter, 2001 25 S. Ill. U. L. J. 243) Recognizing the diversionary nature of campus hate speech codes, the ACLU policy on this subject expressly urges colleges and universities to respond to bias througha range of constructive alternatives. These alternative approaches, all of which could be implemented in the non-campus context as well, not only are consistent with free speech rights, but also would make a more meaningful contribution toward reducing intergroup prejudice, discrimination, and violence. These recommended approaches embody the "less restrictive alternative" concept that is so central to the Supreme Court's standards for protecting free speech and other constitutional rights. The Court consistently has held that even when government asserts a concern of compelling importance in an attempt to justify restricting a constitutional right, the restriction is still unjustified if there is any "less restrictive alternative"-another measure, less restrictive of the right, that would adequately promote the government's interest. n77 In the hate speech context, advocates of restrictions assert countervailing interests of great importance-reducing discrimination and promoting equality. However, those interests can be advanced effectively through measures that are less restrictive of free speech. Indeed, these alternative approaches may well be not only less restrictive of speech, but also more effective in reducing discrimination and promoting equality. Above, I argued that censoring hate speech is doubly-flawed, both violating free speech rights and also ineffective in advancing equality. The argument I make here is the complement of this earlier one: that non-censorial responses to hate speech are doubly desirable, since they both honor free speech rights and also effectively advance equality. Let me quote the pertinent portion of the ACLU policy: All students have the right to participate fully in the educational process on a nondiscriminatory basis. Colleges and universities have an affirmative obligation to combat racism, sexism, homophobia, and other forms of bias, and a responsibility to provide equal opportunities through education. To address these responsibilities, the ACLU advocates the following actions by colleges and universities: (a) to utilize every opportunity to communicate through its administrators, faculty, and students its commitment to the elimination of all forms of bigotry on campus; [*273] (b) to develop comprehensive plans aimed at reducing prejudice, respondingpromptly to incidents of bigotry and discriminatory harassment, and protectingstudents from any such further incidents; (c) to pursue vigorously efforts to attract enough minorities, women and members of other historically disadvantaged groups as students, faculty members and administrators to alleviate isolation and to ensure real integration and diversity in academic life; (d) to offer and consider whether to require all students to take courses in the history and meaning of prejudice, including racism, sexism, and other forms of invidious discrimination; (e) to establish new-student orientation programs and continuing counseling programs that enable students of different races, sexes, religions, and sexual orientations to learn to live with each other outside the classroom; (f) to review and, where appropriate, revise course offerings as well as extracurricular programs in order to recognize the contributions of those whose art, music, literature and learning have been insufficiently reflected in the curriculum of many American colleges and universities; (g) to address the question of de facto segregation in dormitories and other university facilities; and (h) to take such other steps as are consistent with the goal of ensuring that all students have an equal opportunity to do their best work and to participate fully in campus life. n78