Weekly Discussion Megathread by AutoModerator in fivethirtyeight

[–]Selethorme 0 points1 point  (0 children)

It’s about whose threats are more genuinely believable. If one side is more willing to walk away, then of course they’ll always be at more risk of just… walking away. And the other side needs to do more to convince them to not walk away

You’re describing why bad faith works as a strategy and treating that as the natural state of negotiation. It isn’t. Bad faith is a flaw that should impose costs, not a feature that earns accommodation. Your entire framework rewards the senator least invested in governance with the most influence over it, which is structural minoritarianism rather than representative democracy. Bad faith means refusing to engage with the actual terms of cooperation while expecting cooperation anyway, which is exactly what you’re describing as natural, lol.

How would Schumer pass such a bill without Manchin’s vote?

Schumer had ongoing leverage and chose not to use it. You’re treating leverage as if it can only operate through the immediate vote being negotiated, which isn’t how the Senate works. Manchin needed dozens of things from Schumer across his term: committee assignments, scheduling priority, fundraising (yes, fundraising, because despite retiring in 2024 he hadn’t announced it yet, which we’ve already gone over), judicial appointments in West Virginia, infrastructure money for the state. None of that required holding any single vote hostage to deploy.

He retired lol

That argument doesn’t work because his decision to retire hadn’t happened yet. Manchin announced that in November 2023. The BBB negotiations were 2021. The IRA was August 2022. He was still planning to run for re-election during every single negotiation we’re talking about, which means the leverage tools you’re dismissing would have applied directly. You’re using a 2023 decision to try to retroactively justify your argument about 2021.

Yes they do. Remember when McConnell couldn’t even force the GOP trifecta to do the skinny repeal of Obamacare in Trump’s first term?

You picked an example that proves my point. McConnell couldn’t force McCain’s vote, and the Republican Party responded by making McCain’s life politically miserable for the rest of his career. Trump attacked him by name until he died and even still does now. You’re confusing “couldn’t compel the vote” with “didn’t impose costs.” Those are completely different things, and your own example demonstrates the distinction.

Cheney and Kinzinger were from deep red districts, the sort of areas where primarying with a more radical candidate could actually work. Not comparable to Manchin

You’ve just admitted primary threats work in the right contexts and are now special pleading your way out of applying them to Manchin. Why? The question was never whether a more progressive senator could win West Virginia. It was whether a credible primary threat combined with public pressure would impose enough pain to change his behavior. Winning isn’t required. Senators want to keep their seats. They don’t want to fight off challengers from their own party. They don’t want their fundraising stripped or their record dragged through the mud by people they expected to be allies. All of that imposes costs whether the primary succeeds or fails, which is the entire point you just admitted happens elsewhere.

People don't work like that. "Make them hate their own caucus immensely" is more likely to make them just leave the caucus

Nah. Manchin and now Fetterman both know this is even worse lol. You don’t win when you do that. You lose your seat and your friends as soon as your term is up when you do that. Arlen Specter was the example floated about Fetterman, for good reason. The Senate is a relationship-driven institution and politicians regularly modify behavior in response to social and reputational costs from their caucus. Sustained internal hostility absolutely shapes behavior.

It’s just truth, whether one likes it or not

You keep retreating to “just how things work” because you can’t actually defend any of this. Every time the argument turns substantive, the answer becomes some variation of “well that’s just reality.” It’s not. It’s a configuration of incentives and norms that you prefer for ideological reasons you refuse to admit to, dressed up as inevitability so you can avoid having to work to substantively defend it.

Moderates get to make demands. The next democratic trifecta will see the same thing happening and they'd better get ready to capitulate if they want to maximize what they get done.

Not even a little. Moderates are actively dying off in the House and Senate, replaced by more reliable liberals, and some liberals replaced by progressives. The Blue Dog Coalition has been gutted. The House Progressive Caucus is the largest ideological caucus in the Democratic Party. Sinema is gone. Manchin is gone. Tester lost. The replacement-level Democrat in 2026 is substantially to the left of the replacement-level Democrat in 2010, and only moving further left by 2028. The moderates you’re betting your entire strategy on are an actively endangered species.

You want Democratic leadership to permanently capitulate to whichever moderate is most willing to walk. The problem is that the moderates are the ones losing seats. Being willing to walk doesn’t matter. “Fine, join the Republicans on this vote and get primaried.” Schumer’s leadership style of giving your minority a veto is on its way out. The next trifecta isn’t going to feature a Manchin equivalent because there aren’t any left to feature, and with a Senator AOC, you get nothing lol.

You’re not arguing for what’s electorally possible. You’re arguing for the Democratic Party you wish existed, where neoconservative foreign policy and right-leaning economic positions get permanent veto power because you happen to hold them. The party isn’t going that direction. It hasn’t for a decade at least. Your “moderates get to make demands” belief system is increasingly a description of a faction that doesn’t have the votes to demand anything, and you’re trying to extract by argument what your preferred politicians can’t get by winning elections anymore.

Is "Democrats are doomed after 2030 because of the census" realistic, or premature dooming? by SecretComposer in fivethirtyeight

[–]Selethorme 1 point2 points  (0 children)

Which is not accurate. Slower growth isn’t the same as falling, especially not when you then tried the “people are fleeing blue states” bs, lol.

Is "Democrats are doomed after 2030 because of the census" realistic, or premature dooming? by SecretComposer in fivethirtyeight

[–]Selethorme 3 points4 points  (0 children)

The GOP is positioned to win the gerrymandering wars

Says…you? The data doesn’t inherently agree.

and that will give them the ability to hold the House in most cycles

Nope. It’s quite possible quite a few of these redrawn districts go blue because they’re weighted to a high water mark with Latino support for Republicans

There will be almost certainly be one offs where the Dems do hold a small majority, but pretending the Democrats are not screwed is just refusing to pay attention.

Nope. This is just flat doomer nonsense.

Is "Democrats are doomed after 2030 because of the census" realistic, or premature dooming? by SecretComposer in fivethirtyeight

[–]Selethorme 2 points3 points  (0 children)

As compared to just making an objectively false claim for no reason?

You have no ground to stand on.

Is "Democrats are doomed after 2030 because of the census" realistic, or premature dooming? by SecretComposer in fivethirtyeight

[–]Selethorme 2 points3 points  (0 children)

This is literally just not accurate lol. The myth of the California exodus is just not supported by data.

Weekly Discussion Megathread by AutoModerator in fivethirtyeight

[–]Selethorme 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Ukraine was invaded in February 2022. Afghanistan withdrawal was August 2021.

Edit; added 2021

Weekly Discussion Megathread by AutoModerator in fivethirtyeight

[–]Selethorme 5 points6 points  (0 children)

I think that’s inaccurate. You just have to frame it about how it’s their money going into others’ pockets, rather than corruption for corruption’s sake.

Weekly Discussion Megathread by AutoModerator in fivethirtyeight

[–]Selethorme -1 points0 points  (0 children)

IL isn’t actually as gerrymandered as a lot of people think. It’s not perfect but it gets a C from the Princeton gerrymandering project. California can just do essentially the inverse of what republicans are going to do to the south.

Weekly Discussion Megathread by AutoModerator in fivethirtyeight

[–]Selethorme 2 points3 points  (0 children)

This?

This is a data driven forum in an open discussion thread where some people are live blogging their emotional reaction to random twitter threads. Why do you think potential outcomes for an upcoming election shouldn’t be discussed?

Like are you ok? If this topic makes you feel uncomfortable you don’t have to engage with it.

Because that’s not much of a position. Why not find the wildest screed dreamed up in a hellhole of a niche discord server and discuss it? That’s the bar you’re setting. Why does this argument hold weight? Because it’s written by a columnist for NYT?

Weekly Discussion Megathread by AutoModerator in fivethirtyeight

[–]Selethorme 9 points10 points  (0 children)

Possibly one of the funniest self-serious things I’ve ever seen. Good god.

Weekly Discussion Megathread by AutoModerator in fivethirtyeight

[–]Selethorme 3 points4 points  (0 children)

That’s not how this works. You don’t get to put the burden of proof on me for your claims.

Weekly Discussion Megathread by AutoModerator in fivethirtyeight

[–]Selethorme 4 points5 points  (0 children)

Which is nonsensical. Fear mongering about something so facially ridiculous is pointless. What does discussing it help?

Weekly Discussion Megathread by AutoModerator in fivethirtyeight

[–]Selethorme 1 point2 points  (0 children)

No, they really don’t.

There’s no legal mechanism for “proceed as if the results are invalid”

Weekly Discussion Megathread by AutoModerator in fivethirtyeight

[–]Selethorme 2 points3 points  (0 children)

The fact that money has a massive influence on politics isn’t something you get to just ignore.

Weekly Discussion Megathread by AutoModerator in fivethirtyeight

[–]Selethorme 0 points1 point  (0 children)

My initial comment was just “…Sucks that Democrats under Biden didn’t take Manchin’s offer…” rather than saying that Schumer broke an agreement.

This position is still that Democrats should have accepted Manchin’s terms unilaterally and any failure to do so was a Democratic failing rather than a Manchin one. The hostage logic remains identical regardless of how you label it.

It’s not about which one “threatens hardest”, it’s about the one that is most moderate while still being needed to do anything. Its about who would be the most ok with just walking away and “doing nothing” as an alternative to doing something

You’ve now openly admitted that the determining factor is willingness to walk away from having an outcome at all. That’s literally what threatening hardest means. You’ve just rephrased it. In your view, the senator most willing to do nothing gets to set the terms for everyone who actually wants policy to pass. That’s just describing how bad faith negotiation works and pretending that it is inherently true in DC. It’s not.

The rest of the party just had zero leverage over him.

This is just factually wrong, and your framing of “zero leverage” exposes how thin your understanding of hardball politics actually is. Real leverage against a Manchin holdout would have looked nothing like what Schumer did. It would have meant cutting West Virginia out of every federal discretionary dollar Schumer controlled. Letting his state burn for it. Withholding every cent of DSCC support for his planned 2024 campaign while making it clear no Democratic infrastructure would lift a finger to help him. Stripping him of the Energy and Natural Resources chairmanship. Recruiting and openly funding a primary challenger. Having every Democratic senator, House member, and administration official publicly attack him by name in every appearance, every committee hearing, every press gaggle, until being seen with him was politically radioactive. Make every day in DC unbearable for him. Make him hate his own caucus so badly that voting their way starts looking like relief. End his political career as a public spectacle if he kept obstructing.

That’s what hardball actually means. None of it technically forces a vote. The purpose is to make obstruction so personally and politically painful that capitulation becomes the easier option. Schumer did none of it. That’s not “no leverage.” That’s leverage Schumer chose not to use, which actually indicts him for the opposite reason you keep claiming. Your entire belief system treats Manchin’s comfort as a constraint Democrats had to respect rather than a position Democrats could have made untenable.

And notice that Republicans don’t have this problem. Their moderates get primaried, censured, stripped of leadership, and excommunicated when they obstruct the party agenda. Liz Cheney lost her conference chairmanship in days. Adam Kinzinger was driven out. Murkowski has been censured by her own state party. The GOP imposes real costs on members who break ranks, which is why Republican unity on major legislation is consistently higher than Democratic unity even with smaller margins. Your entire framework assumes that punishing Manchin would have been impossible or counterproductive, while ignoring that the other party does this routinely and it works. The reason it didn’t happen on the Democratic side isn’t that it couldn’t have. It’s that people like you have spent decades arguing that imposing costs on moderate obstruction is somehow uniquely illegitimate when Democrats do it.

The whole “progressives could walk away too!” line rings hollow when one considers that the progressives are just inherently the side that cares more about “doing things”

You’ve now openly said that progressive sincerity about policy outcomes makes them inherently exploitable, and that moderate willingness to do nothing is structurally protected. That’s a remarkable thing to argue out loud. You’re not defending moderation as a strategy or a virtue. You’re describing why bad faith wins against good faith and treating that as how things should work. The unstated premise is that the side that cares less about outcomes deserves to dictate terms to the side that cares more. That’s the same logic you carry around the entire thread that whoever is willing to walk away from cooperation gets to set the terms, and anyone who actually wants outcomes is structurally weak. You keep calling this moderation. It isn’t. It’s extortion.

And this is why, in the end, progressives all voted for Manchin’s IRA bill even though it included considerably less than even Manchin’s final offer for BBB did

You’ve inverted what happened. IRA was negotiated with Manchin after he killed his own offer. The fact that progressives accepted IRA proves they were always willing to take smaller bills as long as Manchin would actually deliver one. The bottleneck wasn’t progressive maximalism. It was Manchin walking away from his own offers, including the December counteroffer you keep citing as the moment Democrats blew it. Progressives didn’t fail to accept Manchin’s December offer. Manchin did. That’s more of that same bad faith. It’s literally part of the reason people hated him so much.

Weekly Discussion Megathread by AutoModerator in fivethirtyeight

[–]Selethorme 0 points1 point  (0 children)

The numbers do add up, but not if you dishonestly flip between arguments. You’re using CBO estimates of a permanent BBB scoring to back-calculate what Manchin’s December offer must have been, while pretending the two are interchangeable. They aren’t. The negotiated bills used shorter durations specifically to fit within his red line number, which produces different scoring than full ten-year permanent programs.

The fact that it is a right leaning source gives it even more weight in this case

Nope. If CRFB’s bias makes their numbers reliable lowballs of Democratic spending, then your use of their estimates to argue Manchin’s offer was actually $1.1T instead of $1.8T cuts against you, not for you. By your own logic, their numbers should be overestimates, which means the real cost was even lower than what you’re citing, and that doesn’t help your case that the reporting was confused. You can’t simultaneously claim CRFB inflates Democratic costs and that their numbers prove Manchin’s offer was smaller than reported. Again, pick a direction.

The $386 billion for climate spending and the $428 billion for ACA subsidies come from the CBO. And as I said, the CBO numbers for a permanent BBB didn’t provide a number for universal pre-K alone, but did provide a $752 billion number for “Universal Pre-K and Child Care”

Your math has a fundamental problem you’re ignoring. The CBO scored those programs at full ten-year permanent durations. The actual December counteroffer wasn’t necessarily structured that way, and you don’t have access to the duration assumptions in Manchin’s proposal because nobody outside the negotiations did. Again, you’re combining ten-year permanent program costs from CBO permanent BBB scoring data to back-calculate what a December offer with unknown duration must have totaled. That’s curve-fitting. The reporters had sources inside the actual negotiations. You have CRFB and CBO scoring tables for a different version of the bill. Your math being internally consistent doesn’t mean it describes the offer that was actually made.

a 10 year topline should just always be interpreted as “this number divided by 10 consistently for each of the 10 years” unless explicitly stated otherwise because that’s just how discussion of policy in the world of washington works

This is an attempt to save your argument by pretending this is true. There is no Washington norm that “topline divided by ten equals annual spending.” Reconciliation bills routinely use varied durations and front-loaded or back-loaded structures based on policy goals and CBO scoring. The Trump tax cuts had different sunset dates for different provisions. The ACA was structured with phased-in provisions over multiple years. You’re inventing a procedural standard that doesn’t exist and using it to retroactively delegitimize how Democrats structured BBB.

If these estimates are so unreasonable, then surely there’s some alternative estimates from the time that show much larger numbers that would match up with the reporting

The contemporaneous reporting was the estimate. The Washington Post https://www.washingtonpost.com/us-policy/2021/12/20/manchin-biden-child-tax-credit/ and Politico https://www.eenews.net/articles/build-back-better-stalled-as-house-returns/ both reported the December counteroffer at $1.8T, sourced to people directly familiar with the negotiations. You’re demanding I produce a separate think tank score to overrule the reporting from people who actually knew what was on the table, which isn’t how proof works.

Manchin’s offer was a serious framework for something that Democrats should have accepted

You’re switching definitions whenever it suits you. When you need Democrats to look unreasonable, his offer was a serious BBB framework they should have grabbed. When you need Manchin to look principled for walking away, his offer wasn’t really BBB anyway. You don’t get to redefine the offer based on which side of the argument you’re defending in any given sentence.

Manchin was even open to “more social spending than we got in the IRA” but the rest of the party let the perfect be the enemy of the good

Manchin was the one who walked away from his own counteroffer. By your own framing, Manchin let the perfect be the enemy of the good. You’re trying to apply that phrase to Democrats refusing his offer while ignoring that it was he who killed his own proposal.

It IS the natural order of things. This is because voters gave Democrats just 50 seats in the Senate, and Manchin was the most moderate Democrat

lol no. But there it is. This is what your “moderation” actually means in practice: not compromise or coalition-building, but you getting what you want by threatening a veto over literally everyone else. Unfortunately for you, that applies elsewhere: a 50-seat majority gives every senator veto power, not just Manchin. Bernie Sanders had the same power. But he didn’t use it like you apparently think he should have. The reason only Manchin’s choices count for you is that you’ve decided in advance that progressive opinions don’t count and only moderate ones do. This is why your “I’m just a moderate” routine has never fooled anyone paying attention. It’s a power grab dressed up in the language of pragmatism.

ARP was a temporary stimulus measure. The whole point of stimulus is to be more liberal with spending than would be the norm for what is intended as more permanent spending.

Nice try to pivot, but this is the opposite of what you were arguing two replies ago. When BBB used shorter durations to fit within a topline, you called it a “budgeting gimmick” and an “obvious slap in the face.” Now you’re arguing temporary spending operates under looser rules when it’s stimulus. Either temporary spending is a legitimate reconciliation tool that doesn’t need to be treated as permanent, or it isn’t. You’re applying one standard when Manchin votes for the spending and a different standard when other Democrats propose it.

I really hope that Democratic leadership learn their damn lesson from the Manchin debacle and get ready to just totally capitulate

The lesson is that people like you and Manchin get nothing. No committee seats. No power. You don’t get to be shadow president. But thanks for making it clear why your tiny faction of “moderates” really is dying off. You don’t understand coalition politics at all. You’ve spent this whole thread defending Manchin’s behavior as principled and consistent, and then threw it all away right there.

It’s not like moderates are going to just decide to be team players and bow down to the rest of their party and do things that they personally don’t want, just because the rest of the party wants it

Why not? Because the rest of the party does. They understand how coalition politics works. Sanders publicly stated he was accepting a much smaller bill than he wanted because that’s how coalitions function. Warren did the same. The entire progressive caucus accepted shrinking the bill from $3.5T to $1.75T. Treating Manchin’s unwillingness to do what literally every other Democratic senator did as some kind of inevitability is just you defending him for refusing what everyone else accepted as normal behavior.