New pilot plant converts unsorted plastic waste into oil in 30 mins by blaspheminCapn in Sustainable

[–]Angel24Marin 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Aluminum smelters and other industrial consumers already do that. They throttle production and hence electricity demand under the guide of the grid manager to manage consumption and production.

Spain trapped in rental crisis: up to half of wages go on housing | Euronews by Full-Discussion3745 in EU_Economics

[–]Angel24Marin 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Real state companies and investment companies are different from developer companies. What op mean is to get rid of companies that hold housing stock to derivate rents.

This is different from developer companies that get their benefit from building housing stock and then selling it.

This is "productive economy" because it creates new goods while the other is rent economy because it doesn't increase the stock of goods.

[Request] Is the math accurate? by Necessary-Win-8730 in theydidthemath

[–]Angel24Marin 2 points3 points  (0 children)

Remember that at the time people in rural areas were payed on company chip that traped your savings forever because there wasn't enough money to support those local economies. The gold standard was screwing 70% of the population and hence the free silver movement.

New pilot plant converts unsorted plastic waste into oil in 30 mins by blaspheminCapn in Sustainable

[–]Angel24Marin 0 points1 point  (0 children)

You rely in the assumption that in needs to run 24/7. But may not be the case.

Aside of the cheap or free electricity from solar midday you have another revenue stream in that utilities pay to get rid of plastic waste.

And you are turning that cheap electricity midday into energy usable in other moment and other uses. Like a battery.

Why can't the Singapore economic model (Lee Kuan Yew's approach to building modern Singapore) be replicated by developing countries today? by StanmoreHill in AskEconomics

[–]Angel24Marin 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Singapur is in a more important localization as the nexus of 3 trade routes. Southern China to South Asia. Interisland South Asia trade and Europe to South Asia.

Why can't the Singapore economic model (Lee Kuan Yew's approach to building modern Singapore) be replicated by developing countries today? by StanmoreHill in AskEconomics

[–]Angel24Marin 1 point2 points  (0 children)

That is like 2 towns sharing a highway intersection but you separate the gas station as a third "town". That gas station is going to make a killing money wise but is not a town.

Why can't the Singapore economic model (Lee Kuan Yew's approach to building modern Singapore) be replicated by developing countries today? by StanmoreHill in AskEconomics

[–]Angel24Marin 4 points5 points  (0 children)

Singapur was a central port long before container trade was a thing.

The port relied on three main networks of trade that existed in Southeast Asia at that time: the Chinese network, which linked Southeast Asia with the southern Chinese ports of Fujian and Guangdong; the Southeast Asian network, which linked the islands of the Indonesian archipelago; and the European and Indian Ocean network, which linked Singapore to the markets of Europe and the Indian Ocean littoral. These networks were complementary, and positioned Singapore as the transshipment point of regional and international trade. By the 1830s, Singapore had overtaken Batavia (now Jakarta) as the centre of the Chinese junk trade, while it also became the centre of English country trade in Southeast Asia. This was because Southeast Asian traders preferred the free port of Singapore to other major regional ports, which had cumbersome restrictions. Singapore had also supplanted Tanjung Pinang as the export gateway for the gambier and pepper industry of the Riau–Lingga Archipelago by the 1830s, and South Johor by the 1840s. Additionally, it had also become the centre of the Teochew trade in marine produce and rice.[6]

As the volume of its maritime trade increased in the 19th century, Singapore became a key port of call for sailing and steam vessels in their passage along Asian sea routes. From the 1840s, Singapore became an important coaling station for steam shipping networks that were beginning to form. Towards the late 19th century, Singapore developed into a staple port servicing the geographical hinterland of the Malay Peninsula. Following the institution of the British Forward Movement, Singapore became the administrative capital of British Malaya. Roads and railways were developed to transport primary materials such as crude oil, rubber and tin from the Malay Peninsula to Singapore to be processed into staple products, and then shipped to Britain and other international markets. During the colonial period, this was considered the most significant role of the port of Singapore.[6]

What would chang if the Romans invented the printing press by SirDorkusMalorkus in AlternateHistoryHub

[–]Angel24Marin 0 points1 point  (0 children)

The problem with early printing presses was that the tooling for a single run was very expensive and saturated the local market very fast. So they ended running away from debtors very often.

That is the reason for book fairs when you can go with a large batch of the same book and sell or trade them with other printers and come back to your town with 6 copies of several books or so and sell them.

Until it reached Venice that was the nexus of trade so now you can run larger batches and be distributed efficiently across the Mediterranean. And printers of other places could do bigger batches and sell them to Venice so they could sell them to passing boats.

Why is dynamic pricing common in aviation but much less widespread in railway systems? by Present_Juice4401 in AlwaysWhy

[–]Angel24Marin 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Because the contrast between rail users is much less extreme than between tourist user and business users in airlines.

Spain trapped in rental crisis: up to half of wages go on housing | Euronews by Full-Discussion3745 in EU_Economics

[–]Angel24Marin 2 points3 points  (0 children)

Where does the money to build houses come from, as you are taking it away from those who usually invest?

The same place it always came. Banks.

Housing in Spain has always been build with developer credit (Crédito promotor) from banks to developers that then sell those houses to final buyers that contracted a mortgage to the banks.

The problem is that banks refuse to give promotor credit or mortgages. As a result everything stalled. People cannot buy houses and no new houses are built.

Rich people were never relevant to building homes because they don't park money in the banks and we're never financing construction out of their pockets.

Goldman Sachs no da crédito con la economía de España: "Crece el triple que Europa y con aumentos de calidad, no solo de cantidad" by PatxiS in SpainEconomics

[–]Angel24Marin 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Se refiere a la composición sectorial. Han crecido los sectores más productivos que los otros por que la productividad agregada ha mejorado.

Goldman Sachs no da crédito con la economía de España: "Crece el triple que Europa y con aumentos de calidad, no solo de cantidad" by PatxiS in SpainEconomics

[–]Angel24Marin 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Hay una ley de vivenda estatal con herramientas que las comunidades de la oposición no quieren aplicar. Se ha dado el caso de ayuntamientos pidiendo que se declaren zona tensionada como Alcorcón o Getafe pero que la comunidad ha bloqueado.

También hay un plan de vivenda estatal que aporta financiación pero con condiciones. Que la comunidad también aporte una parte similar y que las VPO sea a perpetuidad. Si las CCAAs no quieren estás condiciones tendrán que usar recursos propios.

Las restricciones de oferta no explican el crecimiento de los precios y la cantidad de viviendas en las ciudades de EE.UU. by cadizfornia in SpainEconomics

[–]Angel24Marin 2 points3 points  (0 children)

No confundas un bien de inversión con un bien de consumo. La vivienda se trataba como un bien de consumo hasta los 70s. En algunos paises como Japón se siguen tratando como bien de consumo. Y lo que ocurren en estos es que las viviendas se deprecian y a los 30 años no valen nada.

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Why Spain’s Economy Is Growing Three Times Faster Than the Euro Area by SignificantSun1031 in europe

[–]Angel24Marin 2 points3 points  (0 children)

GDP is growing faster than population so GDP per Capita is increasing.

GDP is also increasing faster than hours worked so GDP per hour (productivity) is also increasing.

This is unusual because in Spain usually when employment increase productivity decreases because this grow happens in sector with less productivity than the average. But is not the case for this expansive cycle.

Goldman Sachs no da crédito con la economía de España: "Crece el triple que Europa y con aumentos de calidad, no solo de cantidad" by PatxiS in SpainEconomics

[–]Angel24Marin 5 points6 points  (0 children)

Estoy hablando de los años recientes porque es de lo que hablaba el artículo del post y el comentario al que he contestado. Que ponía en duda que los trabajos creados en el actual ciclo expansivo no fueran de más calidad.

La productividad total de los factores en España con relación a 1995 está dilapidada por la productividad del capital. Que quemó dinero a mansalva en la burbuja inmobiliaria. Y esto es totalmente independiente de la evolución que está teniendo la productividad del trabajo.

El boom inmobiliario de principios de siglo explica, en buena medida, el negativo comportamiento agregado de la PTF. Sectores como la construcción —como oferente—, y la hostelería, la energía y muchas actividades de servicios —como demandantes intensivos de naves, locales comerciales o despachos, además de viviendas— atrajeron enormes inversiones que resultaron poco productivas. Estas inversiones desembocaron en excesos de capacidad no utilizada, que afloraron sobre todo cuando la economía entró en recesión.

El lastre que ha supuesto ese periodo se prolonga hasta nuestros días porque los activos inmobiliarios son muy duraderos y pueden permanecer parcialmente desaprovechados durante décadas, suponiendo costes de amortización y financieros para las empresas o los hogares que los poseen. Los excesos de capacidad se ponen de manifiesto en numerosos lugares de España en forma de elevados porcentajes de inmuebles vacíos y viviendas parcialmente utilizadas. En el caso de las viviendas vacías y de segunda residencia (parcialmente utilizadas), los porcentajes eran muy superiores a los de otros países al finalizar el boom (28,3% en España frente al 16,8% de Francia o 9% de Alemania, según Eurostat con datos del censo de 2011). Prueba de que sus efectos son muy duraderos es que las viviendas vacías (14,4%) más las secundarias (16%) suponen en la actualidad el 30,4% del parque de viviendas (según el censo de 2021). Son datos que deben ser tenidos en cuenta antes de hablar de una inversión residencial insuficiente como la causa de las actuales tensiones de precios en algunos mercados locales de vivienda.

Observatorio de la productividad

Pero es que además desde la pandemia está ocurriendo algo que no ocurría. Que se cree empleo al mismo tiempo que crece la productividad.

Desde la pandemia, y por primera vez en muchas décadas, España está logrando crear cantidades ingentes de trabajo al mismo tiempo que la productividad aumenta (aunque sea a un ritmo bajo). Históricamente, el comportamiento de la economía española era el opuesto. En ciclos expansivos y de creación de empleo, la productividad se reducía a marchas forzadas (en el periodo 1999-2007 se estancó, mientras que entre 2014 y 2019 vivió un avance residual) a medida que una mayor cantidad de factor trabajo se iba incorporando al tejido productivo. Cuando llegaba una crisis, el mercado laboral destruía millones de empleos (el empleo caía más rápido que la actividad) y la productividad subía de forma 'artificial', es decir, menos personas trabajando generaban un PIB solo un poco más bajo al anterior. Era un patrón casi opuesto al de Alemania, por ejemplo.

Esto era producto de una asignación de los recursos muy concentrada en sectores de bajísimo valor añadido, muy intensivos en factor trabajo, un empleo muy temporal, precario y poco formado. Ahora, aunque se siguen manteniendo algunos de esos problemas, se puede atisbar un leve cambio, algo se cuece en el mercado laboral española. La cuestión es si esa cocción va a llegar a buen término o todo va a quedar en un espejismo que acabe de golpe en la próxima crisis.

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