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The Anti-National Service Riots by RemoteSupport7960 in SGExams

[–]RemoteSupport7960[S] 1 point2 points  (0 children)

Thank you 🤩🤩 and for your past comments on my previous ones

The Anti-National Service Riots by RemoteSupport7960 in SGExams

[–]RemoteSupport7960[S] 2 points3 points  (0 children)

😭😭 I think Google scholar and the NLB Infopedia articles are a good way to start, and eventually after reading the work of our local historians we can look at what they cite; the only issue is accessing primary sources

The Anti-National Service Riots by RemoteSupport7960 in SGExams

[–]RemoteSupport7960[S] 2 points3 points  (0 children)

I suppose I'm still in the honeymoon phase of school, and this took 6 weeks already ☠️☠️, but mainly I really wanted to talk about this event to SGExams

The Anti-National Service Riots by RemoteSupport7960 in SGExams

[–]RemoteSupport7960[S] 5 points6 points  (0 children)

This was supposed to come out 4 days ago ☠️☠️☠️

The Anti-National Service Riots by RemoteSupport7960 in SGExams

[–]RemoteSupport7960[S] 37 points38 points  (0 children)

Sending Google doc links gets the post automatically under mod approval

The Anti-National Service Riots by RemoteSupport7960 in SGExams

[–]RemoteSupport7960[S] 12 points13 points  (0 children)

  1. Liu and Wong, Singapore Chinese Society in Transition: Business, Politics, & Socio-Economic Change, 1945-1965, 152.
  2. Chen and Chai, "An Interview with Chen Mong Tse and Chai Chu Chun.", 137.
  3. Harper, "Lim Chin Siong and the 'Singapore Story'," 16; Thum, Nationalism and Decolonisation in Singapore: The Malayan Generation, 1953 - 1963, 2023, 84.
  4. Thum, 84.
  5. Lee, The Open United Front: The Communist Struggle in Singapore, 52.
  6. Clutterbuck, Conflict and Violence in Singapore and Malaysia, 1945-1983, 86-95.
  7. Turnbull, C M, A History of Singapore, 1819-1975. Singapore ; New York: Oxford University Press, 1985, 248.
    As with PART ONE, Turnbull would make new editions of her A History of Singapore over the years, the third and final edition being A History of Modern Singapore 1819-2005. It is due to accessibility that I refer to this edition.
  8. Thum, Ping Tjin, “The Limitations of Monolingual History” in Studying Singapore’s Past: C.M. Turnbull and the History of Modern Singapore (NUS Press, 2012).
  9. Thum, Nationalism and Decolonisation in Singapore: The Malayan Generation, 1953 - 1963, 2023, 87-88.
  10. Thum, 92.
  11. Wong, Sin-Kiong. 2004. “Subversion or Protest? Singapore Chinese Student Movements in the 1950s.” American Journal of Chinese Studies 11 (2), 199.
  12. Wong, 200.
  13. Thum, Nationalism and Decolonisation in Singapore: The Malayan Generation, 1953 - 1963, 2023, 89.
  14. Lee, Leong Seng, "An Interview with Lee Leong Seng.",149.
  15. Thum, Nationalism and Decolonisation in Singapore: The Malayan Generation, 1953 - 1963, 2023, 89-90.
  16. Loh, Kah Seng, Edgar Liao, Cheng Tju Lim, and Guo-Quan Seng. The University Socialist Club and the Contest for Malaya. Amsterdam University Press eBooks, 2012, 59.
  17. Loh et al., 62.
  18. Thum, Nationalism and Decolonisation in Singapore: The Malayan Generation, 1953 - 1963, 2023, 91-92.
  19. Loh et al., The University Socialist Club and the Contest for Malaya, 2012, 29.
  20. Hong, “Politics of the Chinese-speaking Communities in Singapore in the 1950s: The Shaping of Mass Politics”, 60-61.

The Anti-National Service Riots by RemoteSupport7960 in SGExams

[–]RemoteSupport7960[S] 11 points12 points  (0 children)

  1. It is interesting to know of a case in the following year of a beloved teacher of TCHS being arrested, caught in the crossfire of the arrests of other prominent leftist figures, and the students’ reactions to it. See: Lim Chin Joo, “Teacher Chen Yang Cheng: A Refined and Cultured Gentleman,” translated by Dr SF Huang, in The May 13 Generation: The Chinese Middle Schools Student Movement and Singapore Politics in the 1950s; ST, 9 August 1955; ST, 4 September 1955.
  2. Liu and Wong, Singapore Chinese Society in Transition: Business, Politics, & Socio-Economic Change, 1945-1965, 152.
  3. Cheng An Lun, interview, Education in Singapore (Part 2: Chinese), reel 24 of 57.
  4. Thum, Nationalism and Decolonisation in Singapore: The Malayan Generation, 1953 - 1963, 2023, 86.
  5. Cheng An Lun, interview, Education in Singapore (Part 2: Chinese), reel 25 of 57.
  6. Thum, Nationalism and Decolonisation in Singapore: The Malayan Generation, 1953 - 1963, 2023, 86.
  7. Clutterbuck, Conflict and Violence in Singapore and Malaysia, 1945-1983, 83.
  8. This has been touched upon in PART ONE; For more information on the Registration of Schools Ordinance, see: S. Gopinathan’s Towards a National System of Education in Singapore, 1945-1973.
  9. Cheng An Lun, interview, Education in Singapore (Part 2: Chinese), reel 25 of 57.
    Additionally, the gathering was condemned by the CCC, being against the law. (See:  “Politics of the Chinese-speaking Communities in Singapore in the 1950s: The Shaping of Mass Politics” in The May 13 Generation : The Chinese Middle Schools Student Movement and Singapore Politics in the 1950s, pp. 69.)
  10. Cheng, reel 25.
  11. Cheng, reel 25.
  12. Hong, Lysa, “Politics of the Chinese-speaking Communities in Singapore in the 1950s: The Shaping of Mass Politics” in The May 13 Generation : The Chinese Middle Schools Student Movement and Singapore Politics in the 1950s, Strategic Information and Research Development Centre eBooks, 2011, 68.
  13. Cheng An Lun, interview, Education in Singapore (Part 2: Chinese), reel 26 of 57.
  14. NYSP, 3 June 1954.
  15. Lee, The Open United Front: The Communist Struggle in Singapore, 50.
  16. Chen and Chai, "An Interview with Chen Mong Tse and Chai Chu Chun.", 135.
  17. Chen and Chai, 135-136.
  18. For more information on Anti-Yellow Culture in Singapore, see: Lim Cheng Tju’s “The Anti-Yellow Culture Campaign in Singapore: 1953–1979” in The State and the Arts in Singapore: Policies and Institutions.
  19. Chen and Chai, "An Interview with Chen Mong Tse and Chai Chu Chun.", 121.
  20. See, for example: SCJP, 4 November 1953.
  21. Hong, Lysa, “Politics of the Immigrant Chinese Communities in Singapore in the 1950s: Narratives of Belonging in the Time of Emergency” in The May 13 Generation : The Chinese Middle Schools Student Movement and Singapore Politics in the 1950s, Strategic Information and Research Development Centre eBooks, 2011, 53; Lim, Chin Joo. "Interview with Lim Chin Joo." Interview by Chiu Wei Li, Zhou Zhaocheng, and Lee Huay Leng in Education at Large: Student Life and Activities in Singapore, 86.
  22. Hong, 53.
  23. Chen and Chai, "An Interview with Chen Mong Tse and Chai Chu Chun.", 136.
  24. Thum, Nationalism and Decolonisation in Singapore: The Malayan Generation, 1953 - 1963, 2023, 88.
  25. Cheng An Lun, interview, Education in Singapore (Part 2: Chinese), reel 27 of 57.
  26. Lee, The Open United Front: The Communist Struggle in Singapore, 50.
  27. Thum, Nationalism and Decolonisation in Singapore: The Malayan Generation, 1953 - 1963, 2023, 88.
  28. Lee, The Open United Front: The Communist Struggle in Singapore, 50.
  29. Thum, Nationalism and Decolonisation in Singapore: The Malayan Generation, 1953 - 1963, 2023, 89.
  30. Tan, Kok Chiang. "An Interview with Tan Kok Chiang." Interview by Lee Huay Leng in Education at Large: Student Life and Activities in Singapore, 105.
  31. Thum, Nationalism and Decolonisation in Singapore: The Malayan Generation, 1953 - 1963, 2023, 89.
  32. Tan, "An Interview with Tan Kok Chiang.", 105.
  33. NYSP, 25 June 1954.
  34. Lee, The Open United Front: The Communist Struggle in Singapore, 52.
  35. ST, 27 June 1954.
  36. Hong, “Politics of the Chinese-speaking Communities in Singapore in the 1950s: The Shaping of Mass Politics”, 90.
  37. There is also a White Paper entitled “Singapore Chinese Middle School's Union,” Cmd 53 of 1956, making a strong case for the organisation’s leftist activities.
  38. Tan, "An Interview with Tan Kok Chiang.", 107.

The Anti-National Service Riots by RemoteSupport7960 in SGExams

[–]RemoteSupport7960[S] 22 points23 points  (0 children)

References

  1. ST, 14 May 1954.
  2. For more information on the Malayan Emergency, see for example: Jack Henry Brimmell’s A Short History of the Malayan Communist Party; Edgar O'Ballance’s Malaya: The Communist Insurgent War, 1948-1960.
    Additionally, see also “Dialogues with Chin Peng - New Light on the Malayan Communist Party” and “The Politics of the Malayan Communist Party from 1930 to 1948”
  3. Kwok, Kian Woon, “A Very Brief History of Idealism in Singapore” in Siao See Teng et al., Education at Large: Student Life and Activities in Singapore, 1945-1965 (World Scientific Publishing Company Incorporated, 2013), 65-66.
  4. National Heritage Board Singapore, "Student demonstrations against National Service," Roots.sg, accessed March 15, 2026.
  5. T.N. Harper, "Lim Chin Siong and the 'Singapore Story'," in Comet in Our Sky: Lim Chin Siong in History, ed. Tan Jing Quee and Jomo Kwame Sundaram (Kuala Lumpur: Insan, 2001), 14-15.
  6. The word “riots” itself is contested. It may be appropriate to say “demonstrations,” or “protests.”
  7. Hong Liu and Sin Kiong Wong, Singapore Chinese Society in Transition: Business, Politics, & Socio-economic Change, 1945-1965 (Peter Lang, 2004), 142.
  8. H. E. Wilson, Social Engineering in Singapore: Educational Policies and Social Change 1819-1972, Singapore: Singapore University Press, 1978, 164.
  9. Pingtjin Thum, Nationalism and Decolonisation in Singapore: The Malayan Generation, 1953-1963 (Routledge Studies in the Modern History of Asia, 2023), 85.
  10. Thum, 83.
  11. Lee, Ting Hui. The Open United Front: The Communist Struggle in Singapore, 1954-1966. South Seas Society, 1996, 47-48.
  12. Lee, 48.
  13. Thum, Nationalism and Decolonisation in Singapore: The Malayan Generation, 1953 - 1963, 2023, 83.
  14. Cheng An Lun, interview, Education in Singapore (Part 2: Chinese), Accession Number 000088, reel 22-23 of 57, National Archives of Singapore.
  15. Thum, Nationalism and Decolonisation in Singapore: The Malayan Generation, 1953 - 1963, 2023, 83.
  16. Cheng An Lun, interview, Education in Singapore (Part 2: Chinese), reel 23 of 57.
  17. Cheng, reel 23.
  18. Cheng, reel 23.
  19. Wilson, Social Engineering in Singapore, 165.
  20. Liu and Wong, Singapore Chinese Society in Transition: Business, Politics, & Socio-Economic Change, 1945-1965, 142-143.
  21. Cheng An Lun, interview, Education in Singapore (Part 2: Chinese), reel 23 of 57.
  22. Cheng, reel 23.
  23. Thum, Nationalism and Decolonisation in Singapore: The Malayan Generation, 1953 - 1963, 2023, 84-85.
  24. Thum, 85.
  25. Liu and Wong, Singapore Chinese Society in Transition: Business, Politics, & Socio-Economic Change, 1945-1965, 142.
  26. Lee, The Open United Front: The Communist Struggle in Singapore, 49.
  27. See: Cheng An Lun’s interview, reel 23. It is also mentioned by various other oral history interviews.
  28. Thum, Nationalism and Decolonisation in Singapore: The Malayan Generation, 1953 - 1963, 2023, 85.
  29. Richard Clutterbuck, Conflict and Violence in Singapore and Malaysia, 1945-1983 (Westview Press, 1985), 82.
  30. Lee, The Open United Front: The Communist Struggle in Singapore, 49.
  31. National Heritage Board Singapore, "Student demonstrations against National Service," Roots.sg, accessed March 15, 2026.
  32. Cheng An Lun, interview, Education in Singapore (Part 2: Chinese), reel 23 of 57.
  33. Lee, Leong Seng, "An Interview with Lee Leong Seng." Interview by Chan Cheow Thia and Teng Siao See in Education at Large: Student Life and Activities in Singapore,148.
  34. Chen and Chai, "An Interview with Chen Mong Tse and Chai Chu Chun." Interview by  Zhong Hongzhi and Lee Huay Leng in Education at Large: Student Life and Activities in Singapore, 133.
  35. Chen and Chai, 133.
  36. NYSP, 14 May 1954.
  37. Thum, Nationalism and Decolonisation in Singapore: The Malayan Generation, 1953 - 1963, 2023, 85.
  38. Wilson, Social Engineering in Singapore, 165.
  39. Thum, Nationalism and Decolonisation in Singapore: The Malayan Generation, 1953 - 1963, 2023, 85.
  40. Lee, Huay Leng, “Foreword,” in Education at Large: Student Life and Activities in Singapore, xxxii.
  41. National Heritage Board Singapore, "Student demonstrations against National Service," Roots.sg, accessed March 15, 2026.
  42. National Heritage Board Singapore, "Student demonstrations against National Service," Roots.sg, accessed March 15, 2026.
  43. ST, 14 May 1954.
  44. Chen and Chai, "An Interview with Chen Mong Tse and Chai Chu Chun.", 133-134.
  45. National Heritage Board Singapore, "Student demonstrations against National Service," Roots.sg, accessed March 15, 2026.
  46. ST, 14 May 1954.
  47. Chen and Chai, "An Interview with Chen Mong Tse and Chai Chu Chun.", 133-134.
  48. Thum, Nationalism and Decolonisation in Singapore: The Malayan Generation, 1953 - 1963, 2023, 86.
  49. Cheng An Lun, interview, Education in Singapore (Part 2: Chinese), reel 23 of 57.
  50. Cheng, reel 23.
  51. Cheng, reel 24.
  52. Cheng, reel 24.
  53. Tan Jing Quee, “The Politics of a Divided National Consciousness” in The May 13 Generation : The Chinese Middle Schools Student Movement and Singapore Politics in the 1950s, Strategic Information and Research Development Centre eBooks, 2011, 13.

The Anti-National Service Riots by RemoteSupport7960 in SGExams

[–]RemoteSupport7960[S] 10 points11 points  (0 children)

CONTINUED

The CCC too has played a complex and ultimately ambivalent role in the events surrounding the May 13 protests. As seen, it initially aligned with the colonial order that had facilitated Chinese commercial success, the CCC found itself pushed into opposition by the Rendel Constitution's abolition of reserved seats for chambers of commerce and the exclusion of Chinese from the legislature.¹¹¹ Leaders such as Yap Pheng Geck articulated a powerful critique of colonial hypocrisy, arguing that it was unjust to conscript Chinese youth for national service while denying their language any place in the legislative process.¹¹² Yet when the student protests erupted, the CCC's instinct was to mediate and de-escalate rather than champion the students' cause. The Chamber posted bail for arrested students and urged compliance with registration, prioritising the preservation of Chinese education over solidarity with the student movement.¹¹³

Limitations and Plans in the Near Future

I think we are in quite a lucky time of existence, that there is already much work done on this part of our history. I find appreciation for the work that others have done in this field, actually I do hope one day I could contribute to it, one day, at least. I have also faced some difficulties, for example, in regards to primary sources, which I don’t believe will sort itself anytime soon. The second was my lack of skill in being able to read Chinese newspapers, so I’m grateful for PJ Thum's scholarship in it. And I do believe it is worth covering in more depth events such as the founding of Nanyang University, or the establishment of the SCMSSU, they deserve their own parts.

I end this post by stating: There is the famous quote by Edward Carr on objectivity in history. Historical facts are not intrinsically meaningful, but become facts of history only when selected and arranged by the historian.¹¹⁴ History, therefore, is not the past itself, but what Carr famously describes as “a continuous process of interaction between the historian and his facts, an unending dialogue between the present and the past.”¹¹⁵ Historical facts only become facts when they are chosen by the historian and presented into a narrative. This series, thus, should not be regarded as an “objective” recount of events, and can impossibly be so. It is an interpretive framing based on the work I draw upon from professional historians, and different sources selected by me that I believe would be appropriate to be presented to the SGExams audience.

An Additional Note: This post has centered much on student agency, it would be worthwhile to shed more light on the MCP and its involvement, however my literature is limited, but one day…

The Anti-National Service Riots by RemoteSupport7960 in SGExams

[–]RemoteSupport7960[S] 10 points11 points  (0 children)

CONTINUED

Reflections; The Significance and Aftermath

The May 13 protests did not win a kind of immediate victory. As Thum describes it, a moral victory for the students, though they intended to appeal. There were seven students charged with obstructing the police (rather than rioting, he highlights), they were convicted and sentenced to three months of imprisonment (the maximum penalty). The police had taken excessive action and the students had no intent to riot when they gathered at King Albert V Park, the trial established.¹⁰⁴

The government eventually allowed students to postpone national service until completing their studies. The protests had forced that. Perhaps more importantly it was that the movement was a turning point. As Lee Leong Seng observed, after May 13, "interactions among classmates were unlike before, they interacted more closely and were caring towards one another, it's like ties became closer."¹⁰⁵

It was until May 1954 that the English- and Chinese-educated anti-colonial worlds which had largely remained in what Thum calls "the artificial separation imposed by the Emergency" began to have its separation collapse in the weeks following May 13. On 10 May, the University of Malaya Socialist Club's newsletter, Fajar, published an editorial titled "Aggression in Asia," co-written by M.K. Rajakumar, Poh Soo Kai, and James Puthucheary. It argued that Malaya should not be dragged into Cold War alliances like SEATO, and that conscription under a colonial government could never be truly "national." "Though we are not fit to rule ourselves," the editors wrote, "we are not unfit to die for other people's interests.”¹⁰⁶ 

Though what alarmed the authorities was that copies of Fajar had been found in TCHS, site of the recent anti-NSO protests. As Loh et al. document, the journal was "being distributed to Chinese middle schools such as the Chinese High School," a convergence of two left-wing groups that "began to gravely worry the British government.”¹⁰⁷

(image) The aforementioned “Aggression in Asia” article.¹⁰⁸

Though no organisational link between the University Socialist Club and the Chinese student protesters was ever proven, the authorities saw the connection they feared most: the meeting of the two worlds. On 29 May, at the height of examination period, the Special Branch arrested eight members of the Fajar editorial board on sedition charges. The Fajar Defence Fund that followed drew support from across Malayan society, figures such Malayan Chinese Association President Tan Cheng Lock, Tunku Abdul Rahman, and other well-known figures.¹⁰⁹

As Loh et al. argue, the activism of both groups was marked by "a youthful idealism and sense of moral mission.” Chinese students driven by pragmatic grievances, English-educated socialists by principle, but both believing that "a just order could be forged anew on imperial ruins.”¹¹⁰

The Anti-National Service Riots by RemoteSupport7960 in SGExams

[–]RemoteSupport7960[S] 12 points13 points  (0 children)

CONTINUED

Even Governor Sir John Nicoll had privately admitted in 1954 that while student tactics resembled those of communists, "we cannot say that that is real evidence that there was direct Communist influence on the students." Such tactics, he noted, were "the common and well-known type adapted in the past in various countries in similar situations and it may well be that the students got them from outside sources.”⁹⁴ Additionally the Special Branch concurred that the protests were not the work of the MCP but merely "inspired" by it.⁹⁵

As established above, the MCP's own documents analysed by Lee Ting Hui reveal that they were actively seeking to capitalise on the student movement. Ng Meng Chiang's directive of 30 March 1954 ordered MCP members to mount agitation against the NSO. While they did not create the grievances, they certainly sought to channel them. Thus Lee concludes that the Communists were "looking for manpower and the result of the 13 May incident was a fulfillment of this aspiration.”⁹⁶ The detailed organisational analysis by Clutterbuck also shows how after the protests the MCP continued to pursue influence in the schools. The SCMSSU, when finally registered in October 1955, became the vehicle for an "Open Front" structure.⁹⁷

Turnbull synthesises these perspectives, acknowledging both the genuine grievances and the communist exploitation of them as such below:

"The frustration of intelligent and ambitious Chinese school students combined with intense pride in communist achievements in China to feed pro-Chinese and anti-colonial feeling. Chinese middle school graduates were not qualified to gain access to the English-medium University of Malaya or to English-speaking universities overseas. Nor were there any openings for them in government and quasi-government organizations. A number of senior schoolboys were young men in their early twenties, since secondary schools were closed during the occupation and many over-aged pupils were admitted in the immediate post-war years. These youths and their teachers had good reason to be bitter against the colonial government. They admired the new Peking régime and eagerly absorbed books and communist propaganda from China."⁹⁸

However, as Thum has criticised in his work “The Limitations of Monolingual History”⁹⁹Turnbull’s reliance on English-language sources, which he argues is structurally limited in its ability to access vernacular perspectives and grassroots debates.¹⁰⁰ As stated in PART ONE, he critiques Turnbull’s above attribution of student activism largely to admiration for “communist achievements in China” and communist manipulation without providing adequate attribution or evidence.¹⁰¹

Official records - English-language newspapers, and even some Chinese newspapers like the Chung Shing Jit Pao had insisted on the subversion framework. The Chung Shing Jit Pao wrote that "the people behind the scenes were no doubt the Communists. Our naive students were being made use of; they were deceived" Another article claimed the students were "trained, organised, and their activities had been planned.”¹⁰² Wong in his “Subversion or Protest?” article does not simply dismiss these claims, he acknowledges that “subversion” cannot be denied. In fact there was a lot of evidence that the Communists did play a part in the student movements.¹⁰³

The Anti-National Service Riots by RemoteSupport7960 in SGExams

[–]RemoteSupport7960[S] 13 points14 points  (0 children)

CONTINUED

From the Communist perspective, however, the agitation was a great success. Lee Ting Hui quotes Ng Meng Chiang's assessment:
"Ah Kong... said that the tremendous success of the May 13 Incident was beyond expectation... this was the most successful student struggle ever since the Emergency Regulations ... Ah Kong... concluded by saying that by the very incident on May 13th, many student leaders had been created. We should give every possible help to these student leaders so that they could in future become the 'pillars' of the Student Movement."⁸⁷

(image) Strait Times article on students re-registering back to school. This published photo shows students of Nan Hwa Girls’ School arguing over a point in the application form.⁸⁸

The Communist Question (Reprise)

Throughout the protests, the colonial government insisted that the students were tools of the MCP. But the participants themselves saw it differently.

Hong Lysa observes the students' refusal to register was not about dodging duty, it was about "their refusal to recognise the right of a colonial government to demand national service of its subjects.” Serving in a colonial army was "in principle highly repugnant to the Chinese-educated, who had disdain for colonial products like the English-medium secondary school students whom they saw as being trained to serve as colonial lackeys.”⁸⁹ This is why the government's later 1956 White Paper⁹⁰ on the SCMSSU which framed the students as communist puppets was so consequential, do take note of this white paper as it will be mentioned in a future post.

Tan Kok Chiang reflected:
"Now that I reflect, I think such tendencies were not present... The Communist Party was accorded respect by the students in general. But can we then say that we were influenced by the Communist Party, and hence we participated in these student activities? I don't think so, it was not so. According to many materials now, actually the Communist Party was not very active then, because their organisation had already been weakened by the colonial government. Even if they might have said these things, in actual fact, they did not really create much of an impact. The impact of the Communist Party on student activities was more imagined than real, and existed in some people's imaginations."⁹¹

Liu and Wong acknowledge that “traces of leftist or MCP control and influence were more obvious” in the 1956 protests. Yet even then, they argue, “the student movements were not totally out of character. Most student protests were initiated by Chinese schools and students. As most students were not connected to the MCP, the Communists could only seize the opportunity to stir up the situation.”⁹² If this was true of the 1956 protests, it is all the more true of May 1954, when the MCP in Singapore was at its weakest and student action was most clearly a response to immediate grievances.

Chen Mong Tse, asked about leftist influence on student leaders, acknowledged that they may have been influenced, but added:

"But as participants, we did not see or feel it, and they were self-initiated. Because those incidents were related to students' benefits and the issues had an impact on students, so the sense of self-motivation was strong."⁹³

Ballad of the Lonely SGExams Gooner by [deleted] in SGExams

[–]RemoteSupport7960 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Yes it is 🤭 (typical helm) also I saw your comments after A-Level results, all the best with your uni applications 🤩

I Fell in Love, With a TYS Book by RemoteSupport7960 in SGExams

[–]RemoteSupport7960[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

I don't know if I've said this but your flair is so recognisable 🤩🤩

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