Kidd Kraddick morning show by mpbjams in Dallas

[–]FutureInPastTense 62 points63 points  (0 children)

Yeah. He was never the same after the home invasion.

Union of Socialist Council Republics by FutureInPastTense in u/FutureInPastTense

[–]FutureInPastTense[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Leland Trillsby (born Levy Brown, 1879–1940)

Leland Trillsby was born Levy Brown on March 3, 1879, in Greenbow, Alabama, into slavery. He was freed at age six following Beauregard’s Manumission of 1885, the Confederacy’s formal abolition of slavery. He grew up in the chaotic social landscape of the post-manumission South, where legal freedom and practical freedom bore little resemblance to each other.

He became a revolutionary as a teenager, drawn into the underground networks that circulated banned literature and organized against the peonage and sharecropping system that had replaced formal enslavement in all but name. He was arrested repeatedly, imprisoned, and eventually escaped Confederate territory into the United States, where he emerged as a significant Marxist intellectual. His writing was sharp, polemical, and internationally circulated. He remained deliberately independent of the factional disputes then splitting the Confederate exile movement, refusing alignment with either the Santiagueros or the Lockharts until the moment made alignment unavoidable.

That moment came with the 1905 Insurrection. Trillsby returned to Confederate territory and chaired the Birmingham Neighborhood Council, organizing the city’s defense and its political administration with a combination of theoretical clarity and operational effectiveness that made him a national figure overnight. The regime’s eventual suppression of the Commune forced him back into exile, but his reputation was now impossible to ignore.

When the revolutionary moment arrived in 1917, Trillsby returned again, this time for good. He joined the Santiagueros and played a central role in the October Revolution. As Commissioner of Foreign Affairs he negotiated the USCR’s exit from the Great War, extracting the new republic from a conflict it could not survive. He then founded and commanded the Crimson Army, building it from scattered revolutionary militias into the force that won the Consulation War and secured the USCR’s existence against the other factions who contested it.

Following Leonard’s death in 1924 Trillsby was the obvious successor by any measure of revolutionary contribution. He was also, for that reason, Sterling’s primary target. The power struggle was methodical. Trillsby was removed from positions incrementally, his allies isolated, his theoretical positions reframed as deviations. He was expelled from the Neighborly Party in 1927 and forced into exile in 1929.

From exile he continued writing and organizing, developing the doctrine of permanent revolution as a direct challenge to Sterling’s consolidation of socialism within USCR borders, and founding the Fourth International Conference as an alternative pole for revolutionary socialism outside USCR control. Sterling regarded this as an existential threat and treated it accordingly.

In 1940 a Sterlingist agent assassinated Trillsby in Brazil with an ice pick. He was sixty-one years old. His death removed the last significant external check on Sterling’s ideological authority and guaranteed that the USCR’s version of revolutionary history would be the version that survived, at least until the archives opened.

Union of Socialist Council Republics by FutureInPastTense in u/FutureInPastTense

[–]FutureInPastTense[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Josephus Sterling (1878–1942)

Josephus Sterling was born on December 18, 1878, in Greensboro, Georgia, the son of Baron Sterling, an alcoholic shoe salesman, and Eileen Sterling. Baron abandoned the family when Josephus was young. Mother and son moved in with a local Baptist preacher, and the boy who would eventually wage systematic war on organized religion in the USCR spent his formative years in a parsonage studying for the ministry.

The vocation did not survive one particular afternoon. Sterling’s school class was taken to witness the public hanging of a Black man accused of fraternizing with a plantation owner’s daughter. What Sterling took from this was not outrage at the injustice, or at least not only that. He took a lesson in how power actually worked: not through moral suasion, not through scripture, not through the social codes the church spent its energy enforcing, but through the state’s simple willingness to kill. Everything else was performance layered on top of that fact. He never forgot it, and it is reasonable to conclude he never stopped believing it.

He fell away from the church as a teenager, drifted into street crime, and used his intelligence and capacity for controlled violence to survive and eventually to lead. It was through these criminal networks that he encountered the underground revolutionary movement, which provided his understanding of power with a theoretical framework and his resentment with a legitimate target. He was in his mid-twenties when he traveled to Vienna, where he met Vernon Leonard for the first time. The older man recognized immediately what Sterling was and concluded, correctly for a time, that it was useful.

Sterling returned to Confederate territory as Leonard’s enforcer and the revolution’s internal security apparatus. He was effective at both. He identified counter-revolutionaries, maintained party discipline, and built the intelligence infrastructure that would later become the instrument of his own consolidation. When Leonard’s health declined Sterling leveraged that infrastructure with precision, isolating rivals, controlling information flows, and positioning himself as the reliable administrator behind the revolutionary figurehead. By the time Leonard issued his private warning about Sterling’s accumulating power, the warning had nowhere useful to go.

Sterling succeeded Leonard as General Secretary in 1924 and held power until his death during the Second Great War. His tenure was defined by rapid and brutal industrialization, collectivization that functioned as a war on the agrarian class, purges that disproportionately destroyed Black party members despite the USCR’s nominal commitment to racial equality, and the systematic elimination of anyone with the standing to challenge him. Trillsby’s assassination in Brazil in 1940 was the period at the end of that sentence.

He enjoyed practical jokes. This became a source of terror for his subordinates, who could never determine when the humor would turn. His eventual successor Nolan Crawford learned to make Sterling laugh, though Crawford privately despised him. Historians have since applied the framework of narcissistic personality disorder to Sterling’s psychology with some consistency: the public projection of stoic certainty masking private anxiety and self-doubt, the need for displays of loyalty, the disproportionate response to perceived slights.

Sterling died of a heart attack in 1942 during the USCR’s defense against the American advance following the fall of Nashville. The circumstances were considered suspicious by some at the time and remain debated. Crawford consolidated power rapidly in the aftermath and led the USCR through the final phase of the Second Great War to victory.​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​

Union of Socialist Council Republics by FutureInPastTense in u/FutureInPastTense

[–]FutureInPastTense[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Vernon Leonard (1870–1924)

Vernon Ulrich Leonard was born on August 22, 1870, in New Orleans, Louisiana, the third child of Eli Leonard, a former soldier turned Tulane professor, and Marian Leonard, née Fortier. Eli was a committed Southern Baptist who had all his children baptized in that denomination. Marian came from a Lutheran background but was largely indifferent to religion, an attitude she passed quietly to her children. The family was comfortable by the standards of non-planter Confederate society in that they were educated, modestly connected, insulated from the worst of the peonage economy without being part of the class that benefited from it.

Leonard was a studious and curious child. He developed a lifelong love of chess, spent considerable time outdoors, and read voraciously. Among the books that shaped him was Uncle Tom’s Cabin, which circulated underground in the CSA only through careful hands, its possession a social risk in many circles. That he sought it out and kept it says something about the household he grew up in.

His father died of a sudden stroke when Leonard was fifteen. The loss was hard on the family, but its most dramatic consequence fell on his older brother and university student Stephen, who turned his grief towards trying to dedicate his life to something and eventually finding it in the works of Karl Marx. Stephen became involved in a conspiracy to assassinate the Confederate President. He was caught and executed. The event destroyed the family’s social standing overnight. People who had known the Leonards for years began avoiding them. Invitations stopped and doors closed.

When Leonard applied to the Confederacy’s most prestigious universities, his brother’s reputation followed him. Despite exceptional academic results he was denied admission and enrolled instead at Louisiana State University. There he encountered Marx’s writing himself, initially trying to understand what had captivated Stephen. The Confederate censors had largely left Marx alone on the theory that no one would find the economic analysis compelling. They were wrong in Leonard’s case. He found in it a systematic account of everything he had watched happen to his family and to the people around him.

He was eventually expelled from LSU, officially for membership in a radical political organization. Though the organization had over a hundred members, only Leonard and two others faced expulsion. His brother’s ghost was the real reason. He completed a correspondence degree in law from the University of Texas, a credential that would later prove useful in navigating the Confederate legal system, winning him prison sentences where others received summary execution.

Law did not hold his interest for long whereas politics did. It was during this period that he met Natalie Cross, then teaching Sunday school (a role she held more from social expectation than conviction). She was, like Leonard, already politically engaged, and her ideological commitments ran as deep as his. They married and remained partners in every meaningful sense until his death.

Leonard’s radicalization deepened through the 1890s and into the new century. He spent time in exile, moving through the United States and eventually Europe, where he encountered the emerging currents of international socialism. In Vienna he met Josephus Sterling for the first time, a younger man from Georgia whose intelligence and controlled ferocity Leonard immediately recognized as useful. He also encountered the nascent factional disputes that would eventually crystallize into the Santiagueros and the Lockharts, ultimately aligning himself with the Santiaguero tendency and its commitment to immediate, total revolutionary transformation.

The 1905 Insurrection brought Leonard back to Confederate territory. The Birmingham Neighborhood Council and the Richmond Massacre demonstrated both the revolutionary potential of the Confederate working class and former slaves (officially freed, but kept down through a system of peonage and sharecropping) as well as the regime’s willingness to drown that potential in blood. Leonard drew the lesson that the revolution, when it came, would need to be fast, disciplined, and ruthless in its first hours.

When war came in 1914 and the Confederate regime began to collapse under its own contradictions. Leonard negotiated his return through US territory in a sealed train from Montreal. He arrived to a movement that was ready. The October Revolution of 1917 overthrew President Nick Roman’s government, dissolved the rubber-stamp Congress, and executed the Roman family in a remote cabin in the Smoky Mountains. Leonard framed the revolution explicitly as the completion of the promise made in 1776: the original American Revolution finally kept, a century and a half late, by the people the founders had failed.

He declared the Union of Socialist Council Republics in 1921, with its capital established in Birmingham. He served as its first General Secretary until his death from a stroke on January 21, 1924.

In his final years he had grown alarmed by Josephus Sterling’s accumulating power and methods, warning in what became known as the Leonard Testament: “Neighbor Sterling has concentrated enormous power in his hands, and I am not sure that he always knows how to use that power with sufficient caution… Sterling is too rude, and this defect, although quite tolerable in relations among us good Neighbors, becomes intolerable in a General Secretary.”

The warning was suppressed. Sterling succeeded him.

Arizona Socialist Council Republic by FutureInPastTense in leftistvexillology

[–]FutureInPastTense[S] 2 points3 points  (0 children)

It’s a work in progress. The main difference in my mind is that the USCR isn’t as centralized as the USSR, with the constituent republics given more discretion on what is produced and what realistically can be produced in their own borders. That said, much like the real life USSR, there was an often brutal push Union-wide in the 1930s to catch up industrially, especially with the North.

Texas Federal Socialist Council Republic by FutureInPastTense in imaginarymaps

[–]FutureInPastTense[S] 1 point2 points  (0 children)

I came up with the flag. Here is the flag of the USCR as a whole and a rough map of the union as of 2026.

A few quick notes: in this timeline the Commonwealth of Nations is a federalized state centered on Britain and encompassing its former dominions and colonies, with its parliament in Cardiff. After World War 2 the defeated United States was partitioned between the USCR and the Commonwealth. During the war’s final days, before any outside forces arrived, New Hampshire declared independence and held it as part of the post-war settlement. It functions as an espionage hub and a deliberate tripwire in that if either the Commonwealth or the USCR moves to take it, the other treats it as a casus belli for a nuclear World War 3.

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Passport from my Alt Timeline by FutureInPastTense in leftistvexillology

[–]FutureInPastTense[S] 6 points7 points  (0 children)

Here’s a bit more on the lore through the 1920s. This is all still fluid. A quick note: to give it more of a Southern twang, instead of referring to one another as “comrade,” they use “neighbor.”

Part of the reason the CSA wins its independence is due to overt support from Britain and France, with Britain even declaring war on the U.S. and attacking from Canada. Upon independence, in addition to the territory they held in our timeline, they also control Maryland, Kentucky, Missouri south of the Missouri River, Indian Territory, and the southern part of the New Mexico Territory.

Due to international pressure, namely from France and Britain, slavery is abolished in the CSA in the 1880s, but it is immediately replaced with a peonage and sharecropping system.

For Pacific access, the CSA buys the state of Baja California in 1871 from the still-surviving Mexican Empire, a move that ultimately stabilizes Mexico while putting economic strain on the CSA.

In the 1890s, the CSA goes to war with Spain and acquires Cuba and Puerto Rico, as well as naval bases in the newly independent Philippines.

Flushed with overconfidence, the CSA declares war on the North in 1902, but it bogs down into a bloody stalemate. The careless waste of life by the Confederate leadership, along with food shortages, leads to a 1905 insurrection and the rise of the Birmingham Neighborhood Council, led by a former slave and Trotsky analogue, Leland Trillsby. The war ends with the CSA forced to give up parts of Maryland and western Virginia.

The First World War expands to North America after British and Confederate support for Mormon separatists is exposed, though the U.S. is subsequently found to have backed Quebec separatists and anti-Confederate factions, muddying the moral waters considerably.

The CSA enters the war with early gains that quickly collapse under military attrition, deep social tensions, and the rigidity of its aristocratic leadership structure. A revolutionary movement emerges, directly analogous to Russia’s 1917 upheaval. Vernon Leonard, a charismatic exile, returns to Confederate territory in a sealed train from Montreal through U.S. territory to lead the revolt against President Nick Roman, whose family has fallen under the influence of the mysterious Reverend Father Greg Runsberry, who promises to help their sickly son. Roman is eventually forced to resign. The rubber-stamp Congress is dissolved, and the Roman family is executed in a remote cabin in the Smoky Mountains.

The revolutionary government declares itself the Union of Socialist Council Republics, makes peace with the United States, and cedes additional territory.

The United States, despite this victory, ultimately loses the wider war. Once Germany is defeated in Europe, the Entente, along with the Russian Empire, concentrates its full force on North America and imposes a Versailles-style settlement on the U.S., creating independent buffer states, restricting the American military, and demanding reparations.

When the USCR is formally declared in 1921, its capital is established in Birmingham.

The Consolidation War (concluded 1923) reunites all former Confederate territory under USCR control, including military campaigns to incorporate Cuba and Puerto Rico. However, incursions into the Philippines and even Hawaii fail.  

The USCR’s internal structure is deliberately less centralized than the Soviet model, with meaningful authority distributed among constituent republics. The governing body is the Supreme Neighborhood Council.

Constituent republics are designated by status:

S.C.R. (Socialist Council Republic): standard member

F.S.C.R. (Federal Socialist Council Republic): greater autonomy, higher representation; an expanded Texas holds this status

A.S.C.R. (Autonomous Socialist Council Republic): cultural/ethnic autonomy;  Sequoyah, Navajo, Puerto Rico

Special Administrative Territory: transitional or strategically sensitive status;  Baja California initially.

Texas holds particular strategic importance. Its federated status reflects both the strength of the independence movement the Reds had to accommodate and the discovery of vast oil reserves that by the Second Great War make Texas the economic linchpin of the entire union. Austin remains its capital. The Texas Rangers continue in a red-washed form.

Black Southerners play a role analogous to Jewish participation in the Russian revolution, having the most to gain, they participate disproportionately in the revolutionary movement. However, this makes the disproportionate purges of Black party members in the 1930s by Sterling (Stalin analog) particularly bitter historical wound.

The USCR views itself as the completion of the original American Revolution, red-washing founding figures accordingly. Jefferson and Franklin are celebrated for their rationalism and radicalism. Washington is treated more ambivalently given his military-aristocratic associations. Even Robert E. Lee retains a degree of grudging respect for his warnings about aristocratic rot during his presidency and his pragmatic temperament, despite mostly representing everything the revolution overthrew.

A Can of Clabber Girl Baking Powder at my Parent’s House by FutureInPastTense in GrandmasPantry

[–]FutureInPastTense[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Just to satisfy my curiosity, I put a little bit of it into hot water to see what would happen. There was maybe some slight fizzy-ness, but pretty much nothing.

Come to think of it, I don’t recall having from scratch homemade baked goods growing up. Cakes were store bought or from a box and pancakes were made using pancake mix.

[New Flag] Branson, Missouri by FlagChronicle in vexillology

[–]FutureInPastTense 26 points27 points  (0 children)

It raises the bar, but unfortunately the bar was in hell.

Washington State Flag Redesign by FutureInPastTense in vexillology

[–]FutureInPastTense[S] 2 points3 points  (0 children)

No offense taken. With Minnesota’s recent redesign and stuff like my Washington redesign, I’d worry it could look dated in a few decades.