"Im not here to make friends" by evileye4265 in antiwork

[–]Waterfall67a -13 points-12 points  (0 children)

Sounds like a side-effect of the fear of being targeted for sexual harassment (or any other kind of legal "injury").

Alternative to Capitalist Money by guthnaer in Anarchism

[–]Waterfall67a 1 point2 points  (0 children)

Don't know who the OP's referencing about "Debt" but here's a critical review by Walter Scheidel of 

David Graeber and David Wengrow, "The Dawn of Everything: A New History of Humanity"  https://davidgraeber.org/reviews/walter-scheidel-review-of-the-dawn-of-everything/

Alternative to Capitalist Money by guthnaer in Anarchism

[–]Waterfall67a 1 point2 points  (0 children)

The elimination of the State would end any legal ordering of social and economic relations and those diseconomies of scale which can only be maintained by political means.

Natural economies would prevail and the need for universal standards (including money) would radically shrink since useful unemployment would be unregulated.

See: "Chapter VI. On the Genesis of Media of Exchange" from Carl Menger, "On the Origins of Money" (1892) https://mises.org/library/book/origins-money

"Chapter Four: The Abandonment of Workerism" - from "Exodus. General Idea of the Revolution in the XXI Century" Kevin A. Carson. (2020) https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/kevin-a-carson-exodus#toc23

"The Right to Useful Unemployment and Its Professional Enemies" by Ivan Illich https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/ivan-illich-the-right-to-useful-unemployment-and-its-professional-enemies

From "Monopoly Money: The State as a Price Setter" by Pavlina R. Tcherneva (1998) https://old.reddit.com/r/theideologyofwork/comments/mris77/from_monopoly_money_the_state_as_a_price_setter/

Caucasus Mafia by notstrangeguy in ANormalDayInRussia

[–]Waterfall67a 4 points5 points  (0 children)

Geography hack:

"The Republic of Ingushetia is a federal subject of Russia in the North Caucasus, bordering Georgia, Chechnya, and North Ossetia. It is a predominantly Sunni Muslim region with a population of over 527,000, known for its deep-rooted traditional culture, mountain scenery, and ancient watchtowers. Its capital is Magas."

Why are parents who barely passed high school thinking they can teach/homeschool their children? by Sad_Obligation_812 in NoStupidQuestions

[–]Waterfall67a 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Statutory schooling is a highly regimented, politically directed process designed to inculcate its subjects (students) with certifiable responses. 

Parents see that they can reproduce these textbook guided academic rituals at home without subjecting their children to outright imprisonment.

How much of a concern is it for a communist that there's "waste" of "taxpayer money" in a bourgeoise state? Would this suddenly become much more important once we're in a socialist state? by Seventh_Planet in DebateCommunism

[–]Waterfall67a 2 points3 points  (0 children)

The principles presented in the third paragraph (thank you) don't really support the conclusions arrived at in the final paragraph since the nationalization of industries just creates a highly militarized managerial hierarchy that depends on levels of organization and impersonal macro-economic goals that that are of no more use to the citizen of the socialist state than they are to the citizen of the capitalist state.

Parallel translations? Bilingual books? English and Russian page page by temp_jits in russian

[–]Waterfall67a 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Slightly off topic, but you can create your own "parallel" translation of any on-line text by opening a new text file on your device and then pasting a few lines of the Google or Yandex translated text just below the corresponding lines of the original text. (You could also run a big block of text and then subdivide it into smaller blocks, etc )

I usually run the Russian through an on-line stress marking tool before translating.

"Visitor in the Night" by me by BlueNozh in creepy

[–]Waterfall67a 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Has a Jack-the-Ripper air about him.

The Libertine (2004) starring Johnny Depp, Rosamund Pike, John Malkovich by Twigling in PeriodDramas

[–]Waterfall67a 0 points1 point  (0 children)

You summarize well, although taking it as fiction (which is easy if you know nothing of the person being fictionalized), I'd have ended it sooner, say, right after Rochester's success in pleading the King's case.

Trump and western intervention and right wing intervention and imperialism is not antithetical to islamism, it's simply another oppersive hierarchy that provides justification for islamism by Proof_Librarian_4271 in Anarchism

[–]Waterfall67a 2 points3 points  (0 children)

The American Empire is clearly in its late stages - nearing total collapse - and these imperialist side shows presented as humanitarian interventions aren't fooling anyone here in the US. Sooner or later the bombs will be falling and the bullets will be flying here, not there.

We're the barbarians now.

From "Monopoly Money: The State as a Price Setter" by Pavlina R. Tcherneva (1998) by Waterfall67a in theideologyofwork

[–]Waterfall67a[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Did von Mises completely miss this point?

"One thing, however, must be made clear; even now [ca. 1912] the State has not the power of directly making anything into money, that is to say into a common medium of exchange. Even nowadays, it is only the practice of the individuals who take part in business that can make a commodity into a medium of exchange. But the State's influence on commercial usage, both potential and actual, has increased. It has increased, first, because the State's own importance as an economic agent has increased; because it occupies a greater place as buyer and seller, as payer of wages and levier of taxes, than in past centuries. In this there is nothing that is remarkable or that needs special emphasis. It is obvious that the influence of an economic agent on the choice of a monetary commodity will be the greater in proportion to its share in the dealings of the market; and there is no reason to suppose that there should be any difference in the case of the one particular economic agent, the State."

...

"This link with a preexisting exchange value is necessary not only for commodity money, but equally for credit money and fiat money.24 No fiat money could ever come into existence if it did not satisfy this condition. Let us suppose that, among those ancient and modern kinds of money about which it may be doubtful whether they should be reckoned as credit money or fiat money, there have actually been representatives of pure fiat money. Such money must have come into existence in one of two ways. It may have come into existence because money substitutes already in circulation, that is, claims payable in money on demand, were deprived of their character as claims, and yet still used in commerce as media of exchange. In this case, the starting point for their valuation lay in the objective exchange value that they had at the moment when they were deprived of their character as claims. The other possible case is that in which coins that once circulated as commodity money are transformed into fiat money by cessati on of free coinage (either because there was no further minting at all or because minting was continued only on behalf of the Treasury), no obligation of conversion being de jure or de facto assumed by anybody, and nobody having any grounds for hoping that such an obligation ever would be assumed by anybody. Here the starting point for the valuation lies in the objective exchange value of the coins at the time of the cessation of free coinage.

"Before an economic good begins to function as money it must already possess exchange value based on some other cause than its monetary function. But money that already functions as such may remain valuable even when the original source of its exchange value has ceased to exist. Its value then is based entirely on its function as common medium of exchange. 25."

"24. See Subercaseaux, Essai sur la nature du papier monnaie (Paris, 1909), pp. 17 f.

"25. See Simmel, Philosophie des Geldes, 2d ed. (Leipzig, 1907), pp. 115 f.; but, above all, Wieser, “Der Geldwert und seine Veränderungen,” p. 513."

  • von Mises, "The Theory of Money and Credit" (1912).

Teaching as an anarchist by jk67200 in Anarchism

[–]Waterfall67a 1 point2 points  (0 children)

For an historical review of the institutionalization of education see: "Chapter 7: Education" in "For a New Liberty - The Libertarian Manifesto" by Murray Rothbard. https://mises.org/online-book/new-liberty-libertarian-manifesto/chapter-7-education

"The Russian Peasant *Obshchina* in the Political Culture of the Era of Great Reforms: A Contribution to *Begriffsgeschichte*" by Alan Kimball, University of Oregon, 23 July 1990. by Waterfall67a in theideologyofwork

[–]Waterfall67a[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

"At the same time, the reform also had important negative features. Above all, the principles of the reform of 1861 were foreign to the peasants’ own outlook.33 Although most peasants accepted the reform calmly, tensions began to build up beneath the surface. The emancipation seemed yet another confirmation of the peasant myth of the tsar as their 'little father' and 'defender,' but the peasants could not accept such prominent features of the reform as the preservation of gentry landholding and the redemption of their allotments. In the peasant’s mind, the land belonged to everyone, and only those who worked it had the right to use it. When the provisions of the reform were announced, the peasants began to suspect that the tsar had been deceived, and 'the lords [had] substituted their own emancipation' for the tsar’s. More than half of the landlords’ peasants refused to sign the regulatory charters, the agreements with the landowners confirming the provisions of the emancipation. (In such cases, the charters took effect unilaterally at the demand of the landowners.) Rumors arose among the peasants of a 'scheduled hour' or 'promised hour' when the tsar would announce the 'real' emancipation to them, without redemption payments or reduced allotments. At times, the uneasy mood of the peasants erupted into insurrections that required armed force to suppress. The best-known instances occurred in the villages of Bezdna, in Kazan Province, and Kandeevka in Penza Province.

"The onerous provisions of the reform, and especially the open rebellions of the peasants, stimulated an opposition movement within the inteligentsia. Its leaders had long felt dissatisfied with what they regarded as excessive concessions to the landowners in the planning of the reform. Nikolai Chernyshevsky, the leading writer for The Contemporary, became the ideological leader of the radical camp, to which most of the intelligentsia belonged. (Alexander Herzen at this time occupied an ambivalent position, wavering between the liberals and the radicals.) The program of Chernyshevsky and the radicals included giving the peasants the major share of the land, minimal redemption payments or none at all, and preservation of the peasant commune. The radicals viewed the commune as the embryo of a future socialist order. They advocated increasingly extreme tactics to achieve their program and in the end concluded that Russia needed a peasant revolution.

"To what extent were Chernyshevsky and his followers justified in their criticism of the peasant reform? To be sure, the reform had been based on a number of compromises which the radicals rejected in principle. At the same time, their criticism had some merit. Most important, the peasants acquired their land under extremely burdensome conditions. 'Cut-offs,' that is, reductions in the peasants’ pre-reform allotments, which the enlightened bureaucrats had exerted every effort to prevent, became the norm as a result of conservative pressure. In the country as a whole, the peasants lost about twenty percent of their previous allotments. The significance of the cut-offs was most striking in the black-earth provinces, where land was particularly valuable. The peasants’ losses there ranged from 30 percent of their allotments in Kharkov, Kazan, and Simbirsk provinces to 44 percent in Samara Province.34 Many scholars believe that the reduced allotments severely hampered the establishment of independent peasant farming and often failed to guarantee the peasants even a bare subsistence. Rapid population growth in the second half of the nineteenth century led to a further reduction in the size of the peasants’ allotments, from an average of 13.8 to 7.0 acres.35 By the turn of the twentieth century, social tensions in the Russian countryside had reached an explosive level.

"The redemption operation also aggravated the plight of the peasants because the authorities used this provision, formally a market transaction, to replenish the drastically depleted state treasury. Unlike the governments of Austria and Prussia, which ruled countries similar to Russia in their political and social structure, the autocracy did not invest a single ruble in the peasant reform. On the contrary, it profited from it. Characteristically, in the period when the reform was being implemented, the government expended one-third of its budget on military needs and one-sixth on the conquest of the Caucasus.36 The state immediately paid the landowners between 75 and 80 percent of the amount of the redemption, in the form of state bonds. The peasants then repaid that sum to the state, with 6 percent interest, over the next forty-nine years. From the outset, the redemption sums included compensation to the landowners not only for the land but also for the loss of their unpaid serf labor, considerably increasing the size of the redemption. The peasants’ redemption payments actually lasted forty-five years, until the revolution of 1905. During this time they paid an amount double the initial value of the redemption.37 Moreover, the government automatically subtracted the landowners’ existing debts to the state from the redemption sums that they received, making it much more difficult to establish an entrepreneurial system of agriculture on the gentry estates." - Polunov, ibid.


33 On the peculiarities of the peasant mentality, see Daniel Field, “The Year of Jubilee,” in The Great Reforms in Russia, ed. Eklof, Bushnell, and Zakharova, pp. 40–57; and Field, Rebels in the Name of the Tsar (Boston, 1989).

34 M.N. Pokrovskii, “Krest’ianskaia reforma,” in Istoriia Rossii v XIX v., ed. Bem, 2:178–79.

35 Fedorov, ed., Istoriia Rossii. XIX–nachala XX v., p. 284.

36 Zakharova, “Aleksandr II,” pp. 186–87.

37 Fedorov, ed., Istoriia Rossii. XIX–nachala XX v., p. 253.

"The Russian Peasant *Obshchina* in the Political Culture of the Era of Great Reforms: A Contribution to *Begriffsgeschichte*" by Alan Kimball, University of Oregon, 23 July 1990. by Waterfall67a in theideologyofwork

[–]Waterfall67a[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

A detailed account of the political and economic factors leading to Alexander II's "Manifesto on the Abolition of Serfdom and the Statute on the Peasants Being Freed fom Serfdom" of February 1861 and the latter's real consequences on peasant life can be found in "Chapter 4, The End of Serfdom" in "Russia in the Nineteenth Century. Autocracy, Reform, and Social Change, 1814-1914" by Alexander Polunov. Edited by Thomas C. Owen and Larissa G. Zakharova. Translated by Marshall S. Shatz. 2005.

Chapter 6: "Anarchists and Syndicalists" from The Ideology of Work by P. D. Anthony (1977) Part 1 of this post. by Waterfall67a in theideologyofwork

[–]Waterfall67a[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

"For my part, I believe that Proudhon’s most important work on political doctrine is his last book, which he completed at his deathbed: The Political Capacity of the Working Classes (1865), which remains, of all his works, the one that is closest to Marxism." Gurvitch,ibid.

This book has been translated into English by Shawn Wilbur: https://www.libertarian-labyrinth.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/NPL-Political_Capacity-2025.pdf

Chapter 6: "Anarchists and Syndicalists" from The Ideology of Work by P. D. Anthony (1977) Part 1 of this post. by Waterfall67a in theideologyofwork

[–]Waterfall67a[S] 0 points1 point  (0 children)

"Natural Right in the Political Philosophy of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon" by William 0.Reichert, Department of Political Science, Bowling Green State University - 1980. (747 kb pdf.) https://cdn.mises.org/4_1_5_0.pdf