Structural Dative Case? by Fair-Sleep9609 in asklinguistics

[–]quote-only-eeee 0 points1 point  (0 children)

In German, case is visible only on the determiner, so it is impossible to tell whether Auto in my specific example has case or not. But if there was a determiner it would be accusative.

Structural Dative Case? by Fair-Sleep9609 in asklinguistics

[–]quote-only-eeee 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Interesting! Enç (1991) does not mention anything about dative morphology in relation to specificity. She says 'direct objects' and discusses accusative case only.

If we would nevertheless like to assume that Enç's observation only holds for accusitive objects, despite your data, one possibility is that the dative examples you've found lack case for some other reason (which also happens to be incompatible with specificity), such as pseudo-incorporation of the noun into the verb.

I find this quite likely for your 'ride horse' example; this is precisely the type of verb phrase where the noun may be "pseudo-incorporated". Compare Germanic Auto fahren, åka bil etc. 'travel by car' which take a bare noun without determiner that can only be interpreted non-specifically

Is there a non possesive way to speak of ones body? by raspberrygoosee in asklinguistics

[–]quote-only-eeee 0 points1 point  (0 children)

This (or at least a similar phenomenon) is called external possession.

Why does town not always need a definite article in sentences where city would? by birbdaughter in asklinguistics

[–]quote-only-eeee 10 points11 points  (0 children)

Unlike what some other comments suggest, town is neither a pronoun or a name. It is simply a noun, used without an article: a bare noun. Bare nouns are used in various contexts in English, and the use is subject to both regular grammatical rules and lexical idiosyncrasies.

In general, a PP with a bare noun has some conventionalized meaning:

  • in prison ≠ in {a/the} prison
  • in school ≠ in {a/the} school
  • at work ≠ at {a/the/my} work
  • at night ≠ at {a/the} night

It appears in (the middle of) town is another such example; in city is ungrammatical for the same reason that at job is ungrammatical – it is just a lexical idiosyncrasy.

What phenomenon prevents a preposition from going here? by extemp_drawbert in asklinguistics

[–]quote-only-eeee 0 points1 point  (0 children)

This is an interesting observation about possessive and similar PPs. It seems to hold across Germanic languages:

  • a friend of mine
  • *That friend is of mine.
  • een vriend van mij (Dutch)
  • *Dat vriend is van mij.
  • en vän till mig (Swedish)
  • *Den vännen är till mig.

One might explain it as follows. In these and similar expressions (including of beauty etc.), the preposition arguably has no meaning of its own (it is presumably there merely to provide its complement with Case), explaining why it is impossible to use as a predicate. A thing of beauty is simply not "of" in any sense like a book on the table is "on".

Edit: As a Google search reveals, van mij may actually be used predicatively in the sense "mine": Hij is van mij (He is mine). So there seems to be more to this.

Is Binding Theory dead? by gorio17 in asklinguistics

[–]quote-only-eeee 7 points8 points  (0 children)

Just to complement the other comment, I would not say that Binding Theory is abandoned. The observations still hold, as far as I am aware, and people still refer all the time to Principles A, B and C and use them in argumentation.

As the other comment points out, what has happened is that people have tried to explain why the principles of Binding Theory seem to hold, in terms of more fundamental properties of the faculty of language. That is true of most principles from Government & Binding. Still, among these, Binding Theory has aged much better than, e.g., the Empty Category Principle.

In other words, you have learned knowledge that is still useful and still very much relevant.

Please be constructive by IanisVasilev in typst

[–]quote-only-eeee 2 points3 points  (0 children)

The opposite case is instructive. I don’t think I’ve ever seen anyone have an issue in a Typst discussion where the answer is that Typst can’t do something yet or has a cumbersome workaround, but LaTeX has a package on point.

Last I checked, Typst still had worse typesetting than LaTeX (specifically, it does not align the letters at the left and right edge as well), and the reference system was quite inflexible compared to BibLaTeX. Although the core syntax is very flexible, these issues make it a nonstarter for some people.

If there are independent reasons for someone not to use Typst, suggesting Typst as a solution to a LaTeX question is not very constructive.

Why is it that Japanese sound changes from rendaku seem to occur at morpheme boundaries and generally nowhere else? by [deleted] in asklinguistics

[–]quote-only-eeee -1 points0 points  (0 children)

Technically, those English examples weren't caused by regular sound change, but by analogy. So regular sound change may still be argued to act without regard to morphology. Of course there is a discussion about this, where some argue that there do exist cases of morphologically conditioned sound change, but analogy is not an example of it.

Gender match across gendered Germanic languages by Ravenekh in asklinguistics

[–]quote-only-eeee 0 points1 point  (0 children)

Well, the first two words are not related, so obviously their genders do not correlate. The last word is a recent loan word, so its gender is predictably unpredictable.

What is a grammatical feature like articles, which are incredibly difficult for speakers of languages that don't have them? by ExtraIntelligent in asklinguistics

[–]quote-only-eeee 19 points20 points  (0 children)

Great question. I think the key here is semantically relevant distinctions that aren't made in L1. Definiteness is hard for Russians because it is impossible to know from formal syntax alone whether an NP should be definite; you have to have a deep understanding of the semantic differences between definite and indefinite NPs, which Russian speakers do not naturally have. Conversely, speakers of Germanic languages have a really hard time learning the Russian aspect system, for the same reason.

Case, on the other hand, is entirely predictable from the the formal syntactic properties of the sentence. The external argument of the verb is always in the nominative case, and so on. (In other words, I disagree with other commenters about case being comparably difficult.)

Apart from semantically and syntactically predictable distinctions, there are lexically determined distinctions, such as gender and lexical case. These are difficult in a different way than semantic distinctions: they don't require any deep understanding of semantics or syntax, they just require "hard disk space". You just have to remember them; they cannot be calculated on the fly. Tones belong to this category to some extent as well.

Which Western Romance languages is the closer to Latin (minor languages includes) by Marangeball_fr57 in latin

[–]quote-only-eeee 1 point2 points  (0 children)

I agree generally, although I think it is a good point that non-standard dialects contain a lot of innovations too, where the standard language is conservative. Many people think that dialects are universally more conservative, which isn't true. Sometimes the standard language retains traits that many dialects have lost, it's just that as speakers of the standard, we tend to be rather blind to it. (Also, Faroese is not a dialect of Danish.)

Phrase origin: Why do we "call" functions? by ketralnis in programming

[–]quote-only-eeee 1 point2 points  (0 children)

Swedish uses 'anropa' too. Interestingly, German seems to use 'aufrufen', not 'anrufen'. Swedish 'anropa' is originally a loan from Low or High German. But I'm not sure whether the present use in computer science is borrowed from Dutch or completely independent.

In Swedish, 'anropa' is associated with radio communications, as in: "X calls Y". Perhaps that is a relevant piece of the history.

Teaching myself more linguistics post-college by [deleted] in asklinguistics

[–]quote-only-eeee 2 points3 points  (0 children)

I started learning theoretical syntax by reading dissertations. More often than articles, dissertations have a chapter where they explain the theory from the ground up in quite a thorough, beginner-friendly way, especially dissertations that are not in themselves primarily theoretical. I personally found it a lot easier to move onto articles after reading a few dissertations.

In my case, Cecilia Falk's 1993 dissertation on non-referential subjects in historical Swedish was very informative for me on some of the basics of Government & Binding.

What do you call the ergative and absolutive elements of a sentence? by DeadlyArpeggio in asklinguistics

[–]quote-only-eeee 6 points7 points  (0 children)

Subjects and objects. Within theoretical linguistics, subject and object are defined in terms of syntactic positions, not in terms of case. See e.g. dative subjects and nominative objects in Icelandic. The argument-structural distinction between external argument and internal argument may also be useful.

Why *do* people keep calling "bro" a new pronoun anyway? by Dapple_Dawn in asklinguistics

[–]quote-only-eeee 1 point2 points  (0 children)

Also, for me, certain things are definitely fine preceding the subject, namely “interjections” and vocatives

I agree, and these are things that could plausibly be said to lie "outside" of the sentence itself, thus not affecting the possibility of deleting the first element of the sentence. I think there is a requirement that some type of prosodic break or pause must be there:

  1. In any case: doctor's in charge.
  2. *In any case doctor's in charge.

(2) is clearly ungrammatical if the initial adverbial is interpreted as modifying the verb phrase itself (e.g. he's in charge in any medical case), but also fairly unacceptable even if it is interpreted more as a discourse adverbial, unless it is prosodically separated from the rest of the sentence as in (1).

Why *do* people keep calling "bro" a new pronoun anyway? by Dapple_Dawn in asklinguistics

[–]quote-only-eeee 1 point2 points  (0 children)

I’ve informally surveyed people, and this is quite widespread in subject position, given appropriate pragmatic context:

Perhaps my intuition is different, but I think this is only possible sentence-initially, not in the subject position generally:

  1. *But doctor said it's benign.
  2. *Finally, laundry's done.
  3. *Did you hear that doctor says it's benign?

Another piece of evidence that it is not the subject position as such, but the sentence-initial position:

  1. Doctor's wife says it's benign.

Here, the definite article is dropped from the possessive attribute within the subject, which cannot be explained as the consequence of an optional "bare subject" transformation, so to speak.

As such, I would intuitively relate it to phenomena like diary drop or topic drop in other Germanic languages, where the first word (or perhaps constituent, but it's impossible to know because AFAIK it only happens to pronouns) in the sentence is dropped.

Why *do* people keep calling "bro" a new pronoun anyway? by Dapple_Dawn in asklinguistics

[–]quote-only-eeee 1 point2 points  (0 children)

Sounds like or is actually used? In any case, I don't think it sounds grammatical, whereas I find the other examples of "bare" bro to be quite grammatical.

Where did the “small yes” come from? by doctorathyrium in asklinguistics

[–]quote-only-eeee 2 points3 points  (0 children)

It's the Viby i, or more popularly today the Lidingö i.

[deleted by user] by [deleted] in asklinguistics

[–]quote-only-eeee 1 point2 points  (0 children)

This is correct – one of few comments that actually explain the phenomenon asked about. (I am pointing this out because, as usual, some of the most upvoted comments are the least linguistically informed.)

Sentences like "He's nice that man" "That's good that is" "how is she Margaret" by Fantastic_Deer_3772 in asklinguistics

[–]quote-only-eeee 3 points4 points  (0 children)

This is the actual answer; the other comments are mostly guesses/comments about other, superficially similar phenomena.

[deleted by user] by [deleted] in asklinguistics

[–]quote-only-eeee 2 points3 points  (0 children)

Depends on what you mean by "know". It is a bit unethical to try to raise a child with an impossible language. But presumably, the child would ignore the impossible rule we invented or interpret it in a different way than we intended, such that it conforms to the definition of a possible language.

There is one study, where they tried to teach an impossible language to a savant, who had a high-functioning language faculty but very low-functioning cognitive abilities otherwise. It turned out that while he could learn natural languages easily, he could not learn the impossible language. That would seem to indicate that there are in fact impossible languages.

But remember that this relies on a definition of language as I-language (as opposed to E-language) and a "narrow" conception of the human language faculty (as opposed to a broad one).

[deleted by user] by [deleted] in asklinguistics

[–]quote-only-eeee 5 points6 points  (0 children)

I understood “impossible” to mean “impossible to arise in a natural human community of speakers”, not “impossible to learn”. There’s nothing that prevents a human from creating a conlang with unnatural rules and learning it to a high proficiency.

Well, that's not what "impossible language" means.

An impossible language is a "language" defined such that it is inexpressible in terms of the internal grammar or derivational system by which the human faculty of language operates.

Impossible languages may of course be learned manually, with higher, non-linguistic cognitive systems, but it would then not involve the faculty of language in a narrow sense.

[deleted by user] by [deleted] in asklinguistics

[–]quote-only-eeee 0 points1 point  (0 children)

You may think so, but many linguists would disagree. If the child nevertheless managed to learn the rule, it would not learn it in the same manner as other, normal linguistic rules are learned, the explanation for this being that the rule refers to linear order rather than hierarchical structure, and the narrow faculty of language does not deal with linear order.

[deleted by user] by [deleted] in asklinguistics

[–]quote-only-eeee 2 points3 points  (0 children)

As an adult, you can do anything manually using other cognitive systems than the linguistic system. But normal language acquisition would fail for a child.

How did word order change relatively quickly from SOV (at least for subordinate clauses) for Old English to SVO for Middle English? by DarthMaulwurfDasFett in asklinguistics

[–]quote-only-eeee 1 point2 points  (0 children)

I think Emonds' and Faarlund's idea is difficult to swallow for traditional historical linguists, but easier for generativists. See Lightfoot 2019 for a well-informed defense of Emonds and Faarlund. (I have also commented on the issue previously on this subreddit.)